This section will be dedicated to Spanish-speaking Latin American militaries.
Due to the space, the topic will focus mainly on 20th century steel and lightweight helmets. Some historical political and ideological aspects of the Cold War in Latin America will also be touched on here in informal blog mode.
"As if whipped by invisible spirits, the sun steeds of time run away with the light chariot of our destiny, and nothing remains to us but to hold onto the reins with calm courage, steering the wheels, now right, now left, from the stone here and the abyss there. Where it goes---who knows? One hardly remembers from where one came." Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
Pictured above are Commander Fidel Castro and General Augusto Pinochet. the photo is a symbol of the events that took place in Central and South America during the Cold War. Latin American countries were settled between democracy or dictatorship, whether of the left or the right. With the delusion of sovereignty as a wall and the National Security Doctrine as a sword. For Latin America, this meant, with the beginning of the Cold War, replacing the Nazi enemy with the Marxist enemy, that is, in other words, changing Berlin for Moscow.
The doctrine of national security is a concept used to define certain foreign policy actions of the United States, aimed at the armed forces of Latin American countries modifying their mission to dedicate themselves exclusively to guaranteeing internal order, under the pretext of changing thoughts in the context of the Cold War. as well as to foster cooperation between these military dictatorships.
The image above shows the criticism of both London and Washington of the neutrality of Latin American countries in the interwar period and during WW2. Although the illustration focuses on the relations of the Third Reich with Latin American countries, it should be remembered that before WW1, the British Empire was already alarmed by the flow of foreign trade between Latin American countries and the Central Empires, in particular with the German Empire. This same reaction probably happened before with the first and second French empires during the 19th century.
In the Argentine case, that neutrality ended in January 27, 1945 , when broke off diplomatic relations with Nazi Germany and formally declared war on March 28, 1945. As for Japan, the declaration of war occurred on April 6, 1945. The minister of war who signed the declarations of war was Colonel Juan Domingo Perón.
During the presidency of Perón (First Peronism) Argentina carried out the doctrine of the Third Justicialist Position, preventing the country from entering the geopolitical context of the Cold War. This was the direct cause of the 1955 coup.
Curiously, in the 1955 coup, the interests of London, Moscow and the Vatican united against the "Justicialist Third Position".
In the Argentine case, that neutrality ended in January 27, 1945 , when broke off diplomatic relations with Nazi Germany and formally declared war on March 28, 1945. As for Japan, the declaration of war occurred on April 6, 1945. The minister of war who signed the declarations of war was Colonel Juan Domingo Perón.
During the presidency of Perón (First Peronism) Argentina carried out the doctrine of the Third Justicialist Position, preventing the country from entering the geopolitical context of the Cold War. This was the direct cause of the 1955 coup.
Curiously, in the 1955 coup, the interests of London, Moscow and the Vatican united against the "Justicialist Third Position".
The Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (commonly known as the Rio Treaty, the Rio Pact, the Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, or by the Spanish-language acronym TIAR from Tratado Interamericano de Asistencia Recíproca) is an intergovernmental collective security agreement signed in 1947 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, at a meeting of the American states. This treaty worked perfectly in the 1962 Missile Crisis, but not in the 1982 South Atlantic War.
This doctrine of national security under Washington's influence had its correlate behind the Iron Curtain. Moscow has imposed its own self-criticism on its satellites and after the Cold War, like Washington in its backyard, maintains its hegemony in the post-Soviet countries. In this 21st century, Beijing, which was Moscow's adversary and Washington's ally during the Cold War, now occupies the role of external rival but focused on the trade war rather than political and military, much less ideological. During the Cold War in this part of the world, the M16, the FAL and the AK47 fought for the flags of the countries. In this 21st century, the dollar, the yuan and the euro will do just that.
This doctrine of national security under Washington's influence had its correlate behind the Iron Curtain. Moscow has imposed its own self-criticism on its satellites and after the Cold War, like Washington in its backyard, maintains its hegemony in the post-Soviet countries. In this 21st century, Beijing, which was Moscow's adversary and Washington's ally during the Cold War, now occupies the role of external rival but focused on the trade war rather than political and military, much less ideological. During the Cold War in this part of the world, the M16, the FAL and the AK47 fought for the flags of the countries. In this 21st century, the dollar, the yuan and the euro will do just that.
1944 - 1945 The "Terror" of the Pampas
In the massive Independence Day parade on July 9, 1944, approximately 15,000 to 20,000 troops participated in a show of force that shocked U.S. observers and the international press.
In 1945, the U.S. press generally portrayed Juan Domingo Perón as a rising fascist threat and a pro-Nazi strongman. This hostility was largely aligned with the "hardline" diplomacy of the U.S. State Department, which viewed Argentina’s wartime neutrality and Perón's growing influence as a danger to hemispheric security.
That image comes from the massive July 9, 1944, Independence Day parade, which remains a cornerstone of the "Nazi-Peronist" myth used by the U.S. State Department and press.
The parade featured a massive, stylized Andean Condor mounted on a float or podium, with its wings folded in a rigid, vertical posture.
The Comparison. The U.S. press, particularly photo journalists from Time and Life magazines, cropped and framed photos of this condor to highlight its striking resemblance to the Reichsadler (Imperial Eagle) of Nazi Germany.
The Symbolism. In the 1940s "reality," the U.S. media used this visual as "proof" that the GOU (the military group Perón belonged to) was adopting the aesthetic and ideological playbook of the Axis. To American readers, the rigid, "geometric" condor was indistinguishable from the symbols seen in Nuremberg rallies.
The Nahuel, looked strikingly similar to the Panzer IV or early American Shermans, but in the context of a parade with goose-stepping troops with German type helmets and Mausers, it was easily branded as a "Nazi Panzer." The "New York newspapers" didn't have to work hard to find the imagery they needed; the military government of 1944 practically handed it to them on a silver platter. For a U.S. public already primed by daily newsreels of the war in Europe, the visual evidence was a "slam dunk."
The parade featured a massive, stylized Andean Condor mounted on a float or podium, with its wings folded in a rigid, vertical posture.
The Comparison. The U.S. press, particularly photo journalists from Time and Life magazines, cropped and framed photos of this condor to highlight its striking resemblance to the Reichsadler (Imperial Eagle) of Nazi Germany.
The Symbolism. In the 1940s "reality," the U.S. media used this visual as "proof" that the GOU (the military group Perón belonged to) was adopting the aesthetic and ideological playbook of the Axis. To American readers, the rigid, "geometric" condor was indistinguishable from the symbols seen in Nuremberg rallies.
The Nahuel, looked strikingly similar to the Panzer IV or early American Shermans, but in the context of a parade with goose-stepping troops with German type helmets and Mausers, it was easily branded as a "Nazi Panzer." The "New York newspapers" didn't have to work hard to find the imagery they needed; the military government of 1944 practically handed it to them on a silver platter. For a U.S. public already primed by daily newsreels of the war in Europe, the visual evidence was a "slam dunk."
In 1945, as the full scale of Nazi atrocities became public, the U.S. press and government officials used the shock of the Dachau and Buchenwald revelations to intensify their campaign against Juan Perón.
In the historical "reality" of 1945, the comparison was widely considered an extreme geopolitical exaggeration used as a tool of public diplomacy and propaganda. While the Argentine government of the time was authoritarian and sympathetic to the Axis, historians generally agree that equating its prisons to Dachau was factually inaccurate and strategically motivated.
In the historical "reality" of 1945, the comparison was widely considered an extreme geopolitical exaggeration used as a tool of public diplomacy and propaganda. While the Argentine government of the time was authoritarian and sympathetic to the Axis, historians generally agree that equating its prisons to Dachau was factually inaccurate and strategically motivated.
It is estimated that approximately 45,000 Jews entered Argentina during Perón's first two terms. By the early 1960s, Argentina reached its peak Jewish population of over 310,000, making it one of the largest in the world. This contradiction is one of the most debated aspects of the "reality" vs. "propaganda" of the Perón era. While the U.S. press characterized Perón as a Nazi-style dictator, the historical facts regarding the Jewish community in Argentina during his presidency (1946–1955) tell a much more complex story.
Braden Vs Peron and the "Blue Book"
The political duel between Spruille Braden and Juan Perón in 1945–1946 was a foundational moment for modern Argentina. Braden, the U.S. Ambassador, became the face of foreign opposition to Perón’s rising power, a conflict that Perón masterfully used to secure his first presidential victory.
The 1946 "Blue Book" Intervention to prevent Perón from winning the 1946 general election, Braden oversaw the publication of the "Blue Book on Argentina" (officially Consultation Among the American Republics with Respect to the Argentine Situation).
Released on February 11, 1946 just two weeks before the election the document used captured German archives to allege that Perón and the Argentine military had collaborated with Nazi Germany during World War II.
Braden intended to shock the Argentine electorate into rejecting Perón in favor of the opposition Democratic Union
October 17, 1945
On October 17, 1945 now celebrated by Peronists as Loyalty Day Perón utilized a massive grassroots mobilization to effectively shatter the U.S.-led media narrative.
While the U.S. press and Ambassador Spruille Braden were portraying him as a "Nazi-fascist" dictator being rejected by his own people, the reality on the streets told a different story.
Braden Vs Peron and the "Blue Book"
The political duel between Spruille Braden and Juan Perón in 1945–1946 was a foundational moment for modern Argentina. Braden, the U.S. Ambassador, became the face of foreign opposition to Perón’s rising power, a conflict that Perón masterfully used to secure his first presidential victory.
The 1946 "Blue Book" Intervention to prevent Perón from winning the 1946 general election, Braden oversaw the publication of the "Blue Book on Argentina" (officially Consultation Among the American Republics with Respect to the Argentine Situation).
Released on February 11, 1946 just two weeks before the election the document used captured German archives to allege that Perón and the Argentine military had collaborated with Nazi Germany during World War II.
Braden intended to shock the Argentine electorate into rejecting Perón in favor of the opposition Democratic Union
October 17, 1945
On October 17, 1945 now celebrated by Peronists as Loyalty Day Perón utilized a massive grassroots mobilization to effectively shatter the U.S.-led media narrative.
While the U.S. press and Ambassador Spruille Braden were portraying him as a "Nazi-fascist" dictator being rejected by his own people, the reality on the streets told a different story.
Justicialist Doctrine of Third Position (Perón's First and Second Presidency)
Juan Domingo Perón gave one of his clearest definitions of the doctrine of the Third Position in a speech on October 5, 1948. He also set forth his thesis on this subject in a speech to the Legislative Assembly on May 1, 1952. The doctrine of Justicialism, or Third Position, was an ideological stance developed by Perón that sought a middle way between capitalism and communism (collectivism).
|
Peron about the Third Position and alignment: "For us Justicialists today , the world is divided into capitalists and communists in conflict: we are neither one nor the other. We ideologically intend to be outside this conflict of global interests. This does not in any way imply that we are in the international field, regardless of the problem. We think that both capitalism and communism are systems that have already been overcome by time. We consider capitalism as the exploitation of man by capital and communism as the exploitation of the individual by the State. Both "insectify" the person through different systems. Let's create more; we think that the abuses of capitalism are the cause and communism the effect. Without capitalism, communism would have no reason to exist . We also believe that, once the cause has disappeared, we would enter the beginning of the disappearance of the effect".
|
Perón on national defense and self-sufficiency: "The two words, 'National Defense,' may lead some to believe that its formulation and solution are the sole responsibility of a nation's armed forces. The reality is quite different: in its resolution, all its inhabitants, energies, wealth, industries , and diverse productions, along with all its means of transport and communication, etc., come into play, with its Armed Forces being, as we will see later in the course of the exhibition, the instrument of struggle for that great ensemble which constitutes ' the nation in arms. Juan Domingo Perón National University of La Plata June 10, 1944
The Third Position was a political and economic ideology introduced by Argentine leader Juan Domingo Perón during his first and second presidency. This concept aimed to present an alternative to traditional economic systems, specifically capitalism and communism, reflecting a distinctively Argentine perspective, emphasized the importance of national identity and sovereignty, advocating for policies that prioritized Argentine interests over foreign influences.
1949. The law established that "minerals, waterfalls, oil, coal and gas deposits, and other natural sources of energy, with the exception of plants, are the imprescriptible and inalienable property of the Nation, with the corresponding participation in their product that will be agreed with the provinces." This was stated in Article 40 of the Argentine Constitution of 1949, repealed after the coup of 1955 (Coup that took Argentina to the IMF).
The Third Position was a political and economic ideology introduced by Argentine leader Juan Domingo Perón during his first and second presidency. This concept aimed to present an alternative to traditional economic systems, specifically capitalism and communism, reflecting a distinctively Argentine perspective, emphasized the importance of national identity and sovereignty, advocating for policies that prioritized Argentine interests over foreign influences.
1949. The law established that "minerals, waterfalls, oil, coal and gas deposits, and other natural sources of energy, with the exception of plants, are the imprescriptible and inalienable property of the Nation, with the corresponding participation in their product that will be agreed with the provinces." This was stated in Article 40 of the Argentine Constitution of 1949, repealed after the coup of 1955 (Coup that took Argentina to the IMF).
Juan Perón initially used Hispanism (Hispanidad) as a component of his early nationalist ideology to emphasize Argentina's ties to Spain and counter other foreign influences (like American or British). In the immediate post-World War II years, the Perón government cultivated strong relations with Francoist Spain.
Perón utilized the concept of Hispanidad to highlight Argentina's shared language, religion (Catholicism), and historical roots with Spain as a basis for national identity, in contrast to the liberal, cosmopolitan elites who often looked to other European powers like France or Britain.
"Día de la Hispanidad": On October 12, 1947, Perón notably used the events of the "Hispanidad Day" to extol Spanish heritage in Latin America and underline the shared cultural and historical legacy.
Political Sovereignty: This emphasis on Hispanism aligned with Peronism's broader goals of political sovereignty and economic independence, by seeking an independent "Third Position" in foreign policy that was neither aligned with the United States nor the Soviet Union. Fostering strong ties with Spain was part of building an alternative, non-aligned sphere of influence.
Perón strategically utilized both Hispanism and Indigenism as complementary tools for fostering regional unity and establishing a powerful, unified bloc of nations in Latin America.
Perón's ideology was a synthesized and often pragmatic blend of these elements, strategically deployed. While emphasizing both the "Mother Country" (Spain) and the "Liberators" (like San Martín and Bolívar) appears contradictory on the surface, Perón managed to weave them into a single, cohesive national narrative centered on sovereignty and anti-imperialism.
Perón’s ability to embody and articulate these different dimensions allowed him to appeal to a broad, cross-sectional coalition of Argentinians, making him perhaps the most influential and certainly one of the most multifaceted leaders in modern Latin American history.
Perón utilized the concept of Hispanidad to highlight Argentina's shared language, religion (Catholicism), and historical roots with Spain as a basis for national identity, in contrast to the liberal, cosmopolitan elites who often looked to other European powers like France or Britain.
"Día de la Hispanidad": On October 12, 1947, Perón notably used the events of the "Hispanidad Day" to extol Spanish heritage in Latin America and underline the shared cultural and historical legacy.
Political Sovereignty: This emphasis on Hispanism aligned with Peronism's broader goals of political sovereignty and economic independence, by seeking an independent "Third Position" in foreign policy that was neither aligned with the United States nor the Soviet Union. Fostering strong ties with Spain was part of building an alternative, non-aligned sphere of influence.
Perón strategically utilized both Hispanism and Indigenism as complementary tools for fostering regional unity and establishing a powerful, unified bloc of nations in Latin America.
Perón's ideology was a synthesized and often pragmatic blend of these elements, strategically deployed. While emphasizing both the "Mother Country" (Spain) and the "Liberators" (like San Martín and Bolívar) appears contradictory on the surface, Perón managed to weave them into a single, cohesive national narrative centered on sovereignty and anti-imperialism.
Perón’s ability to embody and articulate these different dimensions allowed him to appeal to a broad, cross-sectional coalition of Argentinians, making him perhaps the most influential and certainly one of the most multifaceted leaders in modern Latin American history.
This is a screenshot of a video where General Franco appears with the acting Argentine progressive president, and Juan Perón who was exiled for years in Spain. Both General Franco and General Perón belonged to the original Third Position. In the post-war period, both had to adapt to the ideological confrontation of the Cold War.
By 1973, Franco was sending Spain to NATO in the framework of his anti-communism, but Perón, who by then was preparing to return to his country, was attracted by the rapid economic and industrial progress of Mao's China. Certainly a split was taking place between Perón and Franco. It should be remembered that Mao, (as Castro), was inspired by Perón's first and second governments.
The visits that Perón received during his exile in Spain, by international figures linked to the leftist sectors like the Che Guevara, caused Franco's displeasure, so it was not easy for Perón to maintain his residence in Madrid.
The reasons were obvious, after years of international insolation, Franco had passed into the purgatory of the NATO consensus. And the visits that Perón received in Puerta de Hierro, for example Che Guevara was enough for "The Generalissimo".
.
Che sought through an exiled Perón, the support of Peronism (Especially the unions) for his guerrilla struggle in Bolivia. But Perón was cautious and did not recommend that he carry out what he described as "suicide." Fidel Castro had previously warned Che that the Bolivian Communist Party would not support him. It is widely believed that Che Guevara disguised himself as a priest to secretly visit Peron in Spain in the mid-1960s. The meeting was kept secret due to the political climate and Perón's delicate status in exile under Franco's regime
Franco's distaste for the non-aligned inclinations of whoever was next to him one of the icons of the "Third Position" was understandable. Because Perón, living in Franco's Spain, admired the achievements of Mao's China, which Perón described as Social Nationalism. Perón, in spite of this, was always a defender of Hispanism. This video shows in part the ideological farewell between the two leaders, who curiously will die a couple of years later.
After almost two decades in exile, Peron found his country very different, but much different the party he had created.
It is very difficult to consider Perón's third presidency as a third positionist, because he probably was no longer a third positionist by then. Nor was Franco in his last days. Peron dies a year later and with him his movement died.
By 1973, Franco was sending Spain to NATO in the framework of his anti-communism, but Perón, who by then was preparing to return to his country, was attracted by the rapid economic and industrial progress of Mao's China. Certainly a split was taking place between Perón and Franco. It should be remembered that Mao, (as Castro), was inspired by Perón's first and second governments.
The visits that Perón received during his exile in Spain, by international figures linked to the leftist sectors like the Che Guevara, caused Franco's displeasure, so it was not easy for Perón to maintain his residence in Madrid.
The reasons were obvious, after years of international insolation, Franco had passed into the purgatory of the NATO consensus. And the visits that Perón received in Puerta de Hierro, for example Che Guevara was enough for "The Generalissimo".
.
Che sought through an exiled Perón, the support of Peronism (Especially the unions) for his guerrilla struggle in Bolivia. But Perón was cautious and did not recommend that he carry out what he described as "suicide." Fidel Castro had previously warned Che that the Bolivian Communist Party would not support him. It is widely believed that Che Guevara disguised himself as a priest to secretly visit Peron in Spain in the mid-1960s. The meeting was kept secret due to the political climate and Perón's delicate status in exile under Franco's regime
Franco's distaste for the non-aligned inclinations of whoever was next to him one of the icons of the "Third Position" was understandable. Because Perón, living in Franco's Spain, admired the achievements of Mao's China, which Perón described as Social Nationalism. Perón, in spite of this, was always a defender of Hispanism. This video shows in part the ideological farewell between the two leaders, who curiously will die a couple of years later.
After almost two decades in exile, Peron found his country very different, but much different the party he had created.
It is very difficult to consider Perón's third presidency as a third positionist, because he probably was no longer a third positionist by then. Nor was Franco in his last days. Peron dies a year later and with him his movement died.
Chilean M35 Vulkanfiber Helmet.
Before WW2, Chile, among other Third World countries, had become interested in M35 steel helmets that had already been exported to countries such as China and had seen action in the Spanish Civil War. Chile also received some early M35s. But since WW2 broke out, Germany needed all the production. Thus, Chile received these lightweight parade helmets, and when it could not receive more, it continued to produce them.
Chilean M32/34
1939. Chilean M32. As Germany was unable to send batches of M35s to Chile due to the beginning of WW2. The Germans had just invaded Checolsovakia, and supplied Chile with M32/34 helmets.
Brazilian Type Adrian Steel Helmet
1932. Brazilian Civil War. M32 Paulist Type Adrian helmets. Photo: Unknown author.
1940s. Brazilian soldiers with Brazilian Type Adrian Steel or fiberglass helmets. Photo: GettyImages.
Peruvian M26 Helmet
1941. Peruvian M34 (French M26) Helmet. On the right, Peruvian artillery with French Schneider 105mm muntain gun during the Ecuadorian Peruvian War.
Peruvian Soldiers with Czech ZB-26 LMG and French M36 Adrian Helmets. Image from an Youtube Video.
Ecuadorian M33 Helmet
1941. Ecuadorian Peruvian War Era. Ecuadorian soldiers with M33 Italian helmets and what appears to be a Czech ZB-30 LGM machine gun. After the war, Ecuador equipped its army with batches of M1917 "Brodies" helmets Photos: guerrade1941.blogspot.com
Mexican M26 and M40 Helmets
WW2 era. Mexican troops with M26 French helmets, Mendoza C-34 LMG and Mexican Mauser model 1910 rifles. Photo: LIFE.
Mendoza LMG and French M26 Helmet. They also use the M15 Adrian and a local version of the French 1926 model known as the M40. In the post-war period, Mexico adopted the US M1.
M1908 Mondragon self-loading rifle.
Brazilian M1 Helmet
WW2. Força Expedicionária Brasileira (FEB) The Brazilian Expeditionary Force in Italy with US M1 helmets and US 3-inch M5 gun. The helmets used by the Brazilians were supplied by the United States along with the rest of the weapons and equipment. In the 70s, Brazil began to manufacture its M1 clones.
The Força Expedicionária Brasileira (FEB), or Brazilian Expeditionary Force, was a frontline combat unit that saw heavy action in the Italian Campaign during World War II. Brazil was the only independent South American country to send ground combat troops overseas in the conflict. Numbering around 25,900 men (a full infantry division and air force components), the FEB was deployed to the front lines in Italy in July 1944. They were integrated into the U.S. Fifth Army and were in continuous contact with enemy forces (Gothic Line) for over 200 days, (Especially with the Alpini of the Monterosa Division of the RSI).
The Força Expedicionária Brasileira (FEB), or Brazilian Expeditionary Force, was a frontline combat unit that saw heavy action in the Italian Campaign during World War II. Brazil was the only independent South American country to send ground combat troops overseas in the conflict. Numbering around 25,900 men (a full infantry division and air force components), the FEB was deployed to the front lines in Italy in July 1944. They were integrated into the U.S. Fifth Army and were in continuous contact with enemy forces (Gothic Line) for over 200 days, (Especially with the Alpini of the Monterosa Division of the RSI).
One of Brazil's most outstanding strongmen was Getulio Vargas, who led his nation's destiny from 1930 to 1945 and from 1951 to 1954. He transformed Brazil from an agricultural to an industrial nation. Photo: 1953
October 17, 1945 (Argentina)
Between 1945 and 1946, Farrell and Perón carried out expropriations of large landowners with the aim of making those lands productive, which could have been the beginning of an agrarian reform. This, although it may seem, was not communism, but the plans of the GOU to guarantee food sovereignty in the event of prolonged isolation due to the world war and as a result of resisting the abandonment of neutrality. In my opinion, many reforms of the First and Second Peronist governments were designed by the military of the GOU (Group of United Officers) in the style of military planning for war strategies and tactics on the sand.
Then Colonel Juan Domingo Perón deeply believed in applying military doctrine to all facets of national life, including the economy. His economic strategies often mirrored Napoleonic concepts and modern total war theory, viewing the national economy as a strategic front in a "battle for sovereignty."
The "Economy of Forces" in Peronism
Perón applied the Napoleonic principle of the economy of forces—concentrating power at decisive points while minimizing it elsewhere—to transform Argentina from an "economic colony" into an independent industrial power. Much like a general massing troops for a breakthrough, Perón created the IAPI (Argentine Institute for the Promotion of Trade) to seize control of the country’s most potent "force": its agricultural exports. He "diverted" wealth from the globally competitive rural sector to fund the decisive point of his campaign: Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI).
Nationalization as Strategic Defense: He viewed key infrastructure as strategic "high ground." By nationalizing railroads (formerly British-owned), energy, and the Central Bank, he removed "foreign supply lines" that he believed compromised Argentine sovereignty.
The "Total War" Model: Perón’s Five-Year Plans were essentially military-style logistical blueprints. He saw the entire population—workers, industrialists, and the military—as a single coordinated force that had to be mobilized toward the "Social Justice" objective, rejecting individualistic market competition in favor of a state-commanded "communitarianism".
(The two words, "National Defense," may lead some minds to think that it is a problem whose approach and solution are the sole responsibilities of the armed forces of a nation. The reality is quite different: in its solution, all its inhabitants, all its energies, all its wealth, all its industries and most diverse productions, all its means of transport and means of communication, etc., come into play, its Armed Forces being only, as we will see later in the course of the exhibition, the instrument of struggle of that great ensemble that constitutes "the nation in arms. ")
Juan Domingo Perón National University of La Plata June 10, 1944
Economic Warfare and the "Third Position"
Perón's "Third Position" was a geopolitical and economic "maneuver" to avoid alignment with either the US or the USSR, seeking to carve out an independent strategic space for Argentina.
Autarky (Self-Reliance): He aimed for "economic independence," treating self-sufficiency in steel (via SOMISA) and energy as a defense requirement, similar to how a besieged fortress must secure its own water and food.
Market Intervention: He launched a "Fight to the Death against Speculators," using police powers to attack what he called "economic delinquents"—traders and middlemen who he believed were sabotaging the national "logistics" by raising prices.
Ultimately, Perón's strategy achieved a massive, rapid buildup of domestic industry and workers' rights, but his "economy of forces" approach—taxing the efficient to subsidize the inefficient—eventually led to the capital depletion and chronic inflation that plagued Argentina for decades after his 1955 overthrow.
Between 1945 and 1946, Farrell and Perón carried out expropriations of large landowners with the aim of making those lands productive, which could have been the beginning of an agrarian reform. This, although it may seem, was not communism, but the plans of the GOU to guarantee food sovereignty in the event of prolonged isolation due to the world war and as a result of resisting the abandonment of neutrality. In my opinion, many reforms of the First and Second Peronist governments were designed by the military of the GOU (Group of United Officers) in the style of military planning for war strategies and tactics on the sand.
Then Colonel Juan Domingo Perón deeply believed in applying military doctrine to all facets of national life, including the economy. His economic strategies often mirrored Napoleonic concepts and modern total war theory, viewing the national economy as a strategic front in a "battle for sovereignty."
The "Economy of Forces" in Peronism
Perón applied the Napoleonic principle of the economy of forces—concentrating power at decisive points while minimizing it elsewhere—to transform Argentina from an "economic colony" into an independent industrial power. Much like a general massing troops for a breakthrough, Perón created the IAPI (Argentine Institute for the Promotion of Trade) to seize control of the country’s most potent "force": its agricultural exports. He "diverted" wealth from the globally competitive rural sector to fund the decisive point of his campaign: Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI).
Nationalization as Strategic Defense: He viewed key infrastructure as strategic "high ground." By nationalizing railroads (formerly British-owned), energy, and the Central Bank, he removed "foreign supply lines" that he believed compromised Argentine sovereignty.
The "Total War" Model: Perón’s Five-Year Plans were essentially military-style logistical blueprints. He saw the entire population—workers, industrialists, and the military—as a single coordinated force that had to be mobilized toward the "Social Justice" objective, rejecting individualistic market competition in favor of a state-commanded "communitarianism".
(The two words, "National Defense," may lead some minds to think that it is a problem whose approach and solution are the sole responsibilities of the armed forces of a nation. The reality is quite different: in its solution, all its inhabitants, all its energies, all its wealth, all its industries and most diverse productions, all its means of transport and means of communication, etc., come into play, its Armed Forces being only, as we will see later in the course of the exhibition, the instrument of struggle of that great ensemble that constitutes "the nation in arms. ")
Juan Domingo Perón National University of La Plata June 10, 1944
Economic Warfare and the "Third Position"
Perón's "Third Position" was a geopolitical and economic "maneuver" to avoid alignment with either the US or the USSR, seeking to carve out an independent strategic space for Argentina.
Autarky (Self-Reliance): He aimed for "economic independence," treating self-sufficiency in steel (via SOMISA) and energy as a defense requirement, similar to how a besieged fortress must secure its own water and food.
Market Intervention: He launched a "Fight to the Death against Speculators," using police powers to attack what he called "economic delinquents"—traders and middlemen who he believed were sabotaging the national "logistics" by raising prices.
Ultimately, Perón's strategy achieved a massive, rapid buildup of domestic industry and workers' rights, but his "economy of forces" approach—taxing the efficient to subsidize the inefficient—eventually led to the capital depletion and chronic inflation that plagued Argentina for decades after his 1955 overthrow.
On August 17, 1950, Argentine President Juan Domingo Perón led a historic ceremony in front of the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Cathedral, where he struck the Bell of Huaura three times. Along with his wife Eva Peron, President Perón was accompanied by Federico Chavez of Paraguay. This event was a cornerstone of the "Year of the Liberator General San Martín," marking the 100th anniversary of the national hero's death.
The bell was sent as a special loan from the government of Peru. It is famously known as the "Bell of Liberty" because General San Martín rang it in the town of Huaura on November 20, 1820, to announce the first proclamation of Peruvian independence.Standing before a massive crowd, Perón struck the bell three times to symbolize the shared revolutionary bond between Argentina and Peru.
The act was part of a larger tribute that included a military parade with delegations from five different South American countries, honoring San Martín's legacy as the liberator of the continent.
After the original bell was returned to Peru, the Peruvian government gifted Argentina a replica, which remains in Buenos Aires as a symbol of eternal friendship between the two nations.
The bell was placed on a Universal Carrier often called a Bren Gun Carrier (In Argentina "Madsen Carrier"), which was a common light armored tracked vehicle in the Argentine Army's inventory at the time, many having been acquired after World War II.
General José de San Martín first proclaimed the independence of Peru from the famous Balcony of Huaura on November 27, 1820. The Bell of Huaura (located in the town's church tower), was rung to announce this historic "first cry" of liberty. While the official national declaration took place later in Lima on July 28, 1821, the Huaura proclamation is celebrated as the symbolic birth of the Peruvian Republic
The bell was sent as a special loan from the government of Peru. It is famously known as the "Bell of Liberty" because General San Martín rang it in the town of Huaura on November 20, 1820, to announce the first proclamation of Peruvian independence.Standing before a massive crowd, Perón struck the bell three times to symbolize the shared revolutionary bond between Argentina and Peru.
The act was part of a larger tribute that included a military parade with delegations from five different South American countries, honoring San Martín's legacy as the liberator of the continent.
After the original bell was returned to Peru, the Peruvian government gifted Argentina a replica, which remains in Buenos Aires as a symbol of eternal friendship between the two nations.
The bell was placed on a Universal Carrier often called a Bren Gun Carrier (In Argentina "Madsen Carrier"), which was a common light armored tracked vehicle in the Argentine Army's inventory at the time, many having been acquired after World War II.
General José de San Martín first proclaimed the independence of Peru from the famous Balcony of Huaura on November 27, 1820. The Bell of Huaura (located in the town's church tower), was rung to announce this historic "first cry" of liberty. While the official national declaration took place later in Lima on July 28, 1821, the Huaura proclamation is celebrated as the symbolic birth of the Peruvian Republic
Colombian M1 Helmet
1951. Korean War. Colombian Battalion soldiers receiving wire training from U.S. officers. Photo: HistoricImages
The Colombian Battalion was an infantry battalion of the Colombian Army that served under United Nations Command during the Korean War from 1951 to 1954. The first Colombian military unit to serve in Asia, the battalion was attached to the U.S. 7th Infantry Division and 25th Infantry Divisions
The Colombian Battalion was an infantry battalion of the Colombian Army that served under United Nations Command during the Korean War from 1951 to 1954. The first Colombian military unit to serve in Asia, the battalion was attached to the U.S. 7th Infantry Division and 25th Infantry Divisions
ABC (Argentina - Brazil - Chile)
ABC Project In the 1950s. Juan Domingo Perón, Getúlio Vargas, and Carlos Ibáñez del Campo.
While the "ABC countries" term generally describes the three most influential South American powers, this specific 1950s trio attempted a revival of the ABC Pact to form a regional economic and political bloc.
All three leaders were seen as nationalist-populists who shared a "Third Way" ideology, aiming for regional autonomy from both U.S. and Soviet influence. In Brazil, the UDN (National Democratic Union) fiercely opposed the deal, fearing a "syndicalist dictatorship" similar to Peronism.
ABC Project In the 1950s. Juan Domingo Perón, Getúlio Vargas, and Carlos Ibáñez del Campo.
While the "ABC countries" term generally describes the three most influential South American powers, this specific 1950s trio attempted a revival of the ABC Pact to form a regional economic and political bloc.
All three leaders were seen as nationalist-populists who shared a "Third Way" ideology, aiming for regional autonomy from both U.S. and Soviet influence. In Brazil, the UDN (National Democratic Union) fiercely opposed the deal, fearing a "syndicalist dictatorship" similar to Peronism.
1953 Santiago de Chile. The presidents of Argentina and Chile, Juan Domingo Perón and Carlos Ibáñez del Campo respectively, met and signed a series of agreements aimed at closer economic and political ties between their nations. The two presidents signed the Act of Santiago, which established a 120-day period for negotiations on a treaty to eliminate all trade restrictions between their countries. A more comprehensive ten-point economic pact mapping closer ties was signed in July 1953 when Ibáñez visited Perón in Buenos Aires.
Perón proposed a plan for the unification of both nations to form the "United States of Hispanic America". This political union was met with some skepticism and resistance in Chile, where many preferred only economic collaboration.
In 1950, Juan Perón had attempted to revive the idea of an "ABC Pact" in the early 1950s as a proposed economic and political alliance between Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. This proposed bloc was unsuccessful and never came to fruition in the way Perón envisioned.
The government of Carlos Ibáñez del Campo continued until the end of his constitutionally mandated second presidential term in 1958, but faced significant economic challenges and political isolation after 1953.
The proposed ABC Pact of the 1950s (Argentina, Brazil, and Chile) and the current BRICS alliance (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, and others) share some comparable themes of seeking greater regional or global influence independent of dominant world powers, but they differ significantly in scope, structure, and explicit geopolitical aims.
Perón proposed a plan for the unification of both nations to form the "United States of Hispanic America". This political union was met with some skepticism and resistance in Chile, where many preferred only economic collaboration.
In 1950, Juan Perón had attempted to revive the idea of an "ABC Pact" in the early 1950s as a proposed economic and political alliance between Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. This proposed bloc was unsuccessful and never came to fruition in the way Perón envisioned.
The government of Carlos Ibáñez del Campo continued until the end of his constitutionally mandated second presidential term in 1958, but faced significant economic challenges and political isolation after 1953.
The proposed ABC Pact of the 1950s (Argentina, Brazil, and Chile) and the current BRICS alliance (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, and others) share some comparable themes of seeking greater regional or global influence independent of dominant world powers, but they differ significantly in scope, structure, and explicit geopolitical aims.
1955. Buenos Aires bombing and Peron's exile.
The Buenos Aires bombing of June 16, 1955, was a failed military coup attempt involving the aerial bombardment and strafing of the Plaza de Mayo, the main square, by rebel elements of the Argentine Navy and Air Force. The primary target was the adjacent Casa Rosada, the seat of government, and President Juan Perón, who was the target of an assassination attempt.
At least 30 aircraft dropped between 9 and 14 tons of bombs on the square and surrounding government buildings. Over 300 people were killed (mostly civilians, including passengers of buses and taxis stuck on the avenues), and nearly 1,200 were wounded, making it one of the deadliest terrorist attacks in Argentine history.
The Buenos Aires bombing of June 16, 1955, was a failed military coup attempt involving the aerial bombardment and strafing of the Plaza de Mayo, the main square, by rebel elements of the Argentine Navy and Air Force. The primary target was the adjacent Casa Rosada, the seat of government, and President Juan Perón, who was the target of an assassination attempt.
At least 30 aircraft dropped between 9 and 14 tons of bombs on the square and surrounding government buildings. Over 300 people were killed (mostly civilians, including passengers of buses and taxis stuck on the avenues), and nearly 1,200 were wounded, making it one of the deadliest terrorist attacks in Argentine history.
Admiral Isaac Rojas threatened to bombard strategic targets, including fuel and gas installations, in Buenos Aires with the naval fleet during the 1955 coup d'état if President Juan Perón did not resign. The draconian threat was a critical factor in forcing Perón to step down and go into solomonic exile to avoid further bloodshed.
Admiral Rojas, who commanded the rebel fleet, specifically threatened to bombard the YPF refinery in Ensenada (the nation's largest at the time) and fuel depots in Dock Sud and Mar del Plata. The potential consequences of such an attack were severe. Bombing these fuel and gas facilities would have caused massive fires and explosions, resulting in a widespread tragedy for the densely populated surrounding areas of Buenos Aires.
The ARA "Diecisiete de Octubre" (Spanish for "October 17th") was the Pearl Harbor survivor U.S. Navy as USS Phoenix.
October 17th commemorated "Loyalty Day" (Día de la Lealtad), an important symbolic date for the political movement of then-President Juan Perón, marking the mass demonstrations in 1945 that led to his release from military custody and subsequent rise to power.
The ship's name was changed to ARA General Belgrano in 1956, after Perón was overthrown by a military coup in September 1955. Ironically, it was was purchased by Perón's government in 1951 and the ship itself was one of the naval units that joined the coup against Perón.
At the beginning of the South Atlantic War in 1982, the ARA Gral Belgrano was sunken by the HMS Conqueror, an atomic-powered submarine (specifically a nuclear-powered attack submarine. It was the second time* in history that a ship was sunk by a nuclear-powered submarine during a military operation.
*The first time a nuclear submarine sank another vessel in a military operation occurred in 1968: The U.S. Navy submarine USS Pueblo was attacked and captured by North Korean forces in January 1968. Following the Pueblo incident, U.S. forces went on high alert. The Soviet intelligence ship SRV-Gidrofon, mistaken for another target, was sunk during the operation in an accidental collision with the American nuclear submarine USS Gato.
Admiral Rojas, who commanded the rebel fleet, specifically threatened to bombard the YPF refinery in Ensenada (the nation's largest at the time) and fuel depots in Dock Sud and Mar del Plata. The potential consequences of such an attack were severe. Bombing these fuel and gas facilities would have caused massive fires and explosions, resulting in a widespread tragedy for the densely populated surrounding areas of Buenos Aires.
The ARA "Diecisiete de Octubre" (Spanish for "October 17th") was the Pearl Harbor survivor U.S. Navy as USS Phoenix.
October 17th commemorated "Loyalty Day" (Día de la Lealtad), an important symbolic date for the political movement of then-President Juan Perón, marking the mass demonstrations in 1945 that led to his release from military custody and subsequent rise to power.
The ship's name was changed to ARA General Belgrano in 1956, after Perón was overthrown by a military coup in September 1955. Ironically, it was was purchased by Perón's government in 1951 and the ship itself was one of the naval units that joined the coup against Perón.
At the beginning of the South Atlantic War in 1982, the ARA Gral Belgrano was sunken by the HMS Conqueror, an atomic-powered submarine (specifically a nuclear-powered attack submarine. It was the second time* in history that a ship was sunk by a nuclear-powered submarine during a military operation.
*The first time a nuclear submarine sank another vessel in a military operation occurred in 1968: The U.S. Navy submarine USS Pueblo was attacked and captured by North Korean forces in January 1968. Following the Pueblo incident, U.S. forces went on high alert. The Soviet intelligence ship SRV-Gidrofon, mistaken for another target, was sunk during the operation in an accidental collision with the American nuclear submarine USS Gato.
This image shows former Argentine President Juan Peron going to exile.
While the top army generals and police initially remained loyal to Perón during the early stages of the September uprising, the rebel forces, led by General Eduardo Lonardi, eventually secured the collaboration of key army units in different provinces, such as Córdoba. Facing a multi-branch military revolt and the possibility of a full-scale civil war, Perón recognized that his position was untenable. He had strong support among labor unions and the working class, who were prepared to fight, but the military balance of power had shifted decisively, leading him to step down to avoid further bloodshed.
During his exile in Panama, he wrote the book (or manifesto) La fuerza es el derecho de las bestias (The force is the right of the beasts). The title is a strong declaration that his government was not defeated by popular will or reason, but by brute force, which he equates to the actions of beasts. One of Juan Perón's stated motivations for going into exile was to avoid a massive civil war and widespread bloodshed.
The book La fuerza es el derecho de las bestias was a key part of his communication during this time. The title itself—Force is the Right of Beasts—framed the military coup as an act of brute force, in contrast to what he presented as his government's basis in popular will and social justice. He wrote the book to disseminate his viewpoint and critique the military dictatorship from a distance, essentially using this period to appeal to reason and his supporters in clandestine ways, through mimeographed copies circulated by the Peronist resistance.
In this way, Perón framed his departure as a strategic choice to preserve the nation and allow "reason" (his side of the story) to eventually prevail over the "force" of the military coup. In later years, particularly during his return to power in the 1970s, Perón reflected on his departure and indicated that he might have acted differently, suggesting he could have mobilized more support to resist the coup. He expressed a sense of failure for not defending his government and his followers, emphasizing the sacrifices his supporters made.
While the top army generals and police initially remained loyal to Perón during the early stages of the September uprising, the rebel forces, led by General Eduardo Lonardi, eventually secured the collaboration of key army units in different provinces, such as Córdoba. Facing a multi-branch military revolt and the possibility of a full-scale civil war, Perón recognized that his position was untenable. He had strong support among labor unions and the working class, who were prepared to fight, but the military balance of power had shifted decisively, leading him to step down to avoid further bloodshed.
During his exile in Panama, he wrote the book (or manifesto) La fuerza es el derecho de las bestias (The force is the right of the beasts). The title is a strong declaration that his government was not defeated by popular will or reason, but by brute force, which he equates to the actions of beasts. One of Juan Perón's stated motivations for going into exile was to avoid a massive civil war and widespread bloodshed.
The book La fuerza es el derecho de las bestias was a key part of his communication during this time. The title itself—Force is the Right of Beasts—framed the military coup as an act of brute force, in contrast to what he presented as his government's basis in popular will and social justice. He wrote the book to disseminate his viewpoint and critique the military dictatorship from a distance, essentially using this period to appeal to reason and his supporters in clandestine ways, through mimeographed copies circulated by the Peronist resistance.
In this way, Perón framed his departure as a strategic choice to preserve the nation and allow "reason" (his side of the story) to eventually prevail over the "force" of the military coup. In later years, particularly during his return to power in the 1970s, Perón reflected on his departure and indicated that he might have acted differently, suggesting he could have mobilized more support to resist the coup. He expressed a sense of failure for not defending his government and his followers, emphasizing the sacrifices his supporters made.
On September 19, 1955, Perón wrote a letter addressed to General Franklin Lucero, Minister of the Army and loyal to the constitutional government. "Perón passed the power of government into the hands of the Army." In the letter, Perón hinted at his resignation.
The letter was assumed by Lucero as a resignation, after which he proceeded to form a Military Junta made up of, among others, Generals José Domingo Molina, Raúl Tanco, Juan José Valle, Ángel Juan Manni, Emilio Forcher, José C. Sampayo, Carlos Wirth, Oscar R. Sacheri, and Oscar A. Uriondo, which declared that it had assumed the Executive Power. Then, General Lucero read Perón's letter on the radio and television network. However, that same night , Perón met with the military junta to inform them that he had not resigned; the Junta, however, was not dissolved.
Juan Domingo Perón’s decision to resign and seek asylum on September 19, 1955, was driven by his stated desire to
avoid a civil war and massive bloodshed as the country stood on the brink of internal conflict.
Despite his departure, the military dictatorship of the Revolución Libertadora (1955–1958) initiated a period of intense repression and violence against Peronist supporters:
The letter was assumed by Lucero as a resignation, after which he proceeded to form a Military Junta made up of, among others, Generals José Domingo Molina, Raúl Tanco, Juan José Valle, Ángel Juan Manni, Emilio Forcher, José C. Sampayo, Carlos Wirth, Oscar R. Sacheri, and Oscar A. Uriondo, which declared that it had assumed the Executive Power. Then, General Lucero read Perón's letter on the radio and television network. However, that same night , Perón met with the military junta to inform them that he had not resigned; the Junta, however, was not dissolved.
Juan Domingo Perón’s decision to resign and seek asylum on September 19, 1955, was driven by his stated desire to
avoid a civil war and massive bloodshed as the country stood on the brink of internal conflict.
Despite his departure, the military dictatorship of the Revolución Libertadora (1955–1958) initiated a period of intense repression and violence against Peronist supporters:
To Perón's right, General Franklin Lucero, his Chief of the Army.
After the coup d'état, the dictatorship established a Court Martial, to judge the deposed government. As a result of the proceedings of this court, Lucero was the first inmate of the Penal Institute of the Armed Forces (Insttuto Penal de las Fuerzas Armadas in Magdalena * Buenos Aires). He was later stripped of his rank and military uniform, as punishment for his participation in the Peronist government. When the coup leader Eduardo Lonardi triumphed in Córdoba, he ordered the arrest of all Peronist deputies and senators in Las Heras prison a few weeks later. Soldiers, trade unionists and party authorities also arrived there. In his memoirs, he would recall the conditions of detention, including leaks, broken toilets, rats and cockroaches that infested the ship where he was being held.
*While Martín García Island is famous for holding several presidents, it was notably not where Juan Domingo Perón was detained in 1955. Instead, the island's role in the "Revolución Libertadora" was as a place of confinement for many of his high-ranking supporters and ministers.
Perón's regret influenced his later political rhetoric and actions, as he sought to reunite and strengthen his movement upon his return to Argentina in 1973.This complicated relationship with his past actions showcases the challenges faced by political leaders during tumultuous times and how such experiences shape their future strategies.
*While Martín García Island is famous for holding several presidents, it was notably not where Juan Domingo Perón was detained in 1955. Instead, the island's role in the "Revolución Libertadora" was as a place of confinement for many of his high-ranking supporters and ministers.
Perón's regret influenced his later political rhetoric and actions, as he sought to reunite and strengthen his movement upon his return to Argentina in 1973.This complicated relationship with his past actions showcases the challenges faced by political leaders during tumultuous times and how such experiences shape their future strategies.
Costa Rican M1
1955. Costa Rican soldiers with US M1 helmets. Photo: HistoricImages.
1955. Costa Rican soldiers training. Photo: HistoricImages.
Costa Rica formally abolished its armed forces on December 1, 1948. This pivotal decision was later ratified and enshrined in Article 12 of the country's 1949 Constitution. The main reason was to permanently remove the threat of military intervention and coups d'état, which were common political instability factors throughout Latin America in the 20th century. Figueres believed that eliminating the standing army was the only way to guarantee lasting democratic civilian rule.
At the time, the government believed that security alliances like the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (Rio Treaty)--which involved U.S. protection—would sufficiently manage external threats.
1955 photographs. Caldenorista Rebellion or Invasion: While the permanent army was abolished in 1948, the country supported by United States and the OAS - OEA, did mobilize armed personnel during a brief conflict in January 1955 when it faced an invasion by exiles supported by Nicaragua's dictator, Anastasio Somoza, Venezuela and Dominican Republic.
At the time, the government believed that security alliances like the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (Rio Treaty)--which involved U.S. protection—would sufficiently manage external threats.
1955 photographs. Caldenorista Rebellion or Invasion: While the permanent army was abolished in 1948, the country supported by United States and the OAS - OEA, did mobilize armed personnel during a brief conflict in January 1955 when it faced an invasion by exiles supported by Nicaragua's dictator, Anastasio Somoza, Venezuela and Dominican Republic.
.1956. The executions of General Valle and the Peronist Resistance.
General Valle and other military and civilian Peronist figures staged a counter-revolutionary attempt, aiming to restore democracy and allow the Peronist party (which had been outlawed) to participate in elections. The uprising was poorly planned and quickly suppressed by the ruling military government.
The de facto president at the time was General Pedro Eugenio Aramburu, who, along with Vice Admiral Isaac Rojas, led the "Revolución Libertadora" military regime that had ousted Perón the previous year.
The Aramburu regime took the unprecedented step of ordering the execution of the rebel leaders and participants to make an example of them. Between June 9 and June 12, 1956, a total of 27 individuals (both military personnel and civilians) were executed, some without a proper trial.
The daughter of this army general, after the death of her father, joined the Peronist resistance as a teenager, among whose members were Jorge Rulli, Gustavo Rearte, Envar El Kadre, and Felipe Vallese. This "Peronist" resistance was made up of young Peronist sympathizers who began urban struggle actions against what they believed to be an occupation, very similar to the style of the French resistance of the Maquis .
This resistance should not be confused with the armed groups of Marxist, Leninist, or Trotskyist tendencies that appeared in the 70s, such as Montoneros and ERP. The original 1955's resistance was truly "Peronist". Unlike the armed groups of the 1970s in Argentina that were supported by Cuba and by the European progressive left, this MRP or Peronist resistance obeyed direct orders from General Perón. They were the so-called "True Soldiers of Perón"
The Movimiento Revolucionario Peronista (MRP), including Carlos Caride, Gustavo Rearte, Envar "Cacho" El Kadri, José Luis Nell, and Joe Baxter, participated in military training at a school near Beijing for foreign cadets of the People's Liberation Army of China. Rulli even carried a letter from Perón to Mao Zedong on one of his trips.
Franco and Peron:
This was the reason between the split between General Franco of Spain and his host, the exiled General Perón. Franco always maintained a rigid hard line against communism, but Perón followed his doctrine of the Justicialist third position, which could like a pendulum* swing from left to right without being within the political spectrum. And Perón's inclination for Mao's China was in the midst of the Sino-Soviet Split. Cuba was part of Moscow's geopolitical deployment, although many defend the idea that Cuba acted based on its own interests, which it partly did.
Peron and Castro.
Unlike Castro, who was able to consolidate his revolution in Cuba, Perón was simply a leader in exile and was never able to consolidate his model of the country, while the party he himself created was divided into several ideological currents that confronted him , especially during his first and second presidencies.
The difference in their respective successes and downfalls highlights the difference between a populist leader operating within a historically unstable, though nominally democratic, system and a revolutionary leader establishing a totalitarian state.
Peron and Mao:
Perón had sympathies with Mao at a time when Beijing and Washington developed a strategic alignment that functioned as a partnership against their mutual primary enemy, the Soviet Union, during the latter years of the Cold War. Fidel Castro was a
loyal ally of Moscow throughout most of the Cold War, but the relationship was not without significant tensions and disagreements.
*The political flexibility and pragmatism of the "Third Justicialist Position", more than ancient Chinese Confucian philosophy, can be seen as analogous to certain aspects of Hindu philosophy, specifically the context-dependent nature of "Dharma", the central and foundational concept in the Bhagavad Gita. The political doctrine's adaptability to changing circumstances (Realism) to maintain balance or achieve a specific goal is a good parallel for the wisdom required to apply dharma correctly in complex situations.
"La única verdad es la realidad" ("The only truth is reality"): This statement is one of the most famous quotes associated with Peronist philosophy and is often used to emphasize the pragmatic and flexible nature of Peronism (Justicialism). The idea is that political actions and ideologies must be grounded in the concrete conditions and facts of the real world, and adapt accordingly, rather than adhering rigidly to abstract doctrines of the left or the right. The quote itself has philosophical roots, often linked back to concepts from Aristotle. In the context of Peronism, it serves as a justification for the "Third Position" doctrine, which sought to find practical solutions for Argentina's specific needs, independent of the rigid ideological blocs of the Cold War era.
The Third Justicialist Position's political flexibility (swinging from left to right as circumstances demand) aligns more closely with the broader Hindu understanding that dharma is not a rigid, static rulebook but a living principle that evolves with context and time (yuga dharma). The idea that "what's right in one situation may not be right in another" is central to this understanding.
General Valle and other military and civilian Peronist figures staged a counter-revolutionary attempt, aiming to restore democracy and allow the Peronist party (which had been outlawed) to participate in elections. The uprising was poorly planned and quickly suppressed by the ruling military government.
The de facto president at the time was General Pedro Eugenio Aramburu, who, along with Vice Admiral Isaac Rojas, led the "Revolución Libertadora" military regime that had ousted Perón the previous year.
The Aramburu regime took the unprecedented step of ordering the execution of the rebel leaders and participants to make an example of them. Between June 9 and June 12, 1956, a total of 27 individuals (both military personnel and civilians) were executed, some without a proper trial.
The daughter of this army general, after the death of her father, joined the Peronist resistance as a teenager, among whose members were Jorge Rulli, Gustavo Rearte, Envar El Kadre, and Felipe Vallese. This "Peronist" resistance was made up of young Peronist sympathizers who began urban struggle actions against what they believed to be an occupation, very similar to the style of the French resistance of the Maquis .
This resistance should not be confused with the armed groups of Marxist, Leninist, or Trotskyist tendencies that appeared in the 70s, such as Montoneros and ERP. The original 1955's resistance was truly "Peronist". Unlike the armed groups of the 1970s in Argentina that were supported by Cuba and by the European progressive left, this MRP or Peronist resistance obeyed direct orders from General Perón. They were the so-called "True Soldiers of Perón"
The Movimiento Revolucionario Peronista (MRP), including Carlos Caride, Gustavo Rearte, Envar "Cacho" El Kadri, José Luis Nell, and Joe Baxter, participated in military training at a school near Beijing for foreign cadets of the People's Liberation Army of China. Rulli even carried a letter from Perón to Mao Zedong on one of his trips.
Franco and Peron:
This was the reason between the split between General Franco of Spain and his host, the exiled General Perón. Franco always maintained a rigid hard line against communism, but Perón followed his doctrine of the Justicialist third position, which could like a pendulum* swing from left to right without being within the political spectrum. And Perón's inclination for Mao's China was in the midst of the Sino-Soviet Split. Cuba was part of Moscow's geopolitical deployment, although many defend the idea that Cuba acted based on its own interests, which it partly did.
Peron and Castro.
Unlike Castro, who was able to consolidate his revolution in Cuba, Perón was simply a leader in exile and was never able to consolidate his model of the country, while the party he himself created was divided into several ideological currents that confronted him , especially during his first and second presidencies.
The difference in their respective successes and downfalls highlights the difference between a populist leader operating within a historically unstable, though nominally democratic, system and a revolutionary leader establishing a totalitarian state.
Peron and Mao:
Perón had sympathies with Mao at a time when Beijing and Washington developed a strategic alignment that functioned as a partnership against their mutual primary enemy, the Soviet Union, during the latter years of the Cold War. Fidel Castro was a
loyal ally of Moscow throughout most of the Cold War, but the relationship was not without significant tensions and disagreements.
*The political flexibility and pragmatism of the "Third Justicialist Position", more than ancient Chinese Confucian philosophy, can be seen as analogous to certain aspects of Hindu philosophy, specifically the context-dependent nature of "Dharma", the central and foundational concept in the Bhagavad Gita. The political doctrine's adaptability to changing circumstances (Realism) to maintain balance or achieve a specific goal is a good parallel for the wisdom required to apply dharma correctly in complex situations.
"La única verdad es la realidad" ("The only truth is reality"): This statement is one of the most famous quotes associated with Peronist philosophy and is often used to emphasize the pragmatic and flexible nature of Peronism (Justicialism). The idea is that political actions and ideologies must be grounded in the concrete conditions and facts of the real world, and adapt accordingly, rather than adhering rigidly to abstract doctrines of the left or the right. The quote itself has philosophical roots, often linked back to concepts from Aristotle. In the context of Peronism, it serves as a justification for the "Third Position" doctrine, which sought to find practical solutions for Argentina's specific needs, independent of the rigid ideological blocs of the Cold War era.
The Third Justicialist Position's political flexibility (swinging from left to right as circumstances demand) aligns more closely with the broader Hindu understanding that dharma is not a rigid, static rulebook but a living principle that evolves with context and time (yuga dharma). The idea that "what's right in one situation may not be right in another" is central to this understanding.
Cuban M1 Helmet
1957. Cuban military with US M1 helmet. Photo: HistoricImages.
1957. May 25 Caracas. A failed attempt on Perón's life during his exile. They put a bomb in the car that should have exploded when it warmed up. It was not warm enough when Peron asked to stop at a butcher shop to celebrate the 25th of May which is an Argentine holiday. While the driver waited for Peron, it exploded.
Venezuelan M1 Helmet
1958. US M18 Hellcat tanks and US M1 helmets. Photo: GettyImages.
Photo Reuters.
This young officer, with a U.S. M1 helmet liner, would be the famous Colonel Hugo Chávez , president of Venezuela.
While Chávez took steps to nationalize oil companies, it was Carlos Andres Perez who nationalized oil in 1976.
Hugo Chávez's government began its major arms purchases from Russia in 2005, primarily acquiring AK-103 assault rifles, and soon after, Sukhoi Su-30 fighter jets and military helicopters. These purchases marked a significant shift in Venezuela's military hardware sourcing, moving away from its previous reliance on U.S. equipment, especially after the U.S. imposed an arms embargo on the country in 2006 due to growing hostilities and political concerns. Later purchases included air defense systems, such as MANPADS, and T-72 tanks. To all this weaponry , the F-16A/B Block 15 purchased by Venezuela from the United States in 1982 must also be added .
This young officer, with a U.S. M1 helmet liner, would be the famous Colonel Hugo Chávez , president of Venezuela.
While Chávez took steps to nationalize oil companies, it was Carlos Andres Perez who nationalized oil in 1976.
Hugo Chávez's government began its major arms purchases from Russia in 2005, primarily acquiring AK-103 assault rifles, and soon after, Sukhoi Su-30 fighter jets and military helicopters. These purchases marked a significant shift in Venezuela's military hardware sourcing, moving away from its previous reliance on U.S. equipment, especially after the U.S. imposed an arms embargo on the country in 2006 due to growing hostilities and political concerns. Later purchases included air defense systems, such as MANPADS, and T-72 tanks. To all this weaponry , the F-16A/B Block 15 purchased by Venezuela from the United States in 1982 must also be added .
The beginning of the Chávez era.
In 2008, the Russian Northern Fleet visited Cuba and Venezuela with its president on board. In the photo on the right, Admiral Chabanenko (Udaloy II-class) is greeted by a 21- gun salute in Havana. Cuban troops wear Soviet-type helmets, probably Czech WZ53, and operate Soviet 122mm M30 howitzers (1938). In the photo on the left, Admiral Chabanenko is greeted in Caracas by the Venezuelan marines, who salute him with a 21- gun salute using their 105/14mm M56 Otto Melara. Their helmets are of the PASGT type, which were just replacing the old US M1.
The Russian-flagged ship entering the Cuban dock represented a power that in the Marxist dialectic would be defined as capitalist and bourgeois. While the port and the island that received it, still raised the flags of socialism although more progressive. This same ship would later enter the Venezuelan port of the Bolivarian Revolution (Hugo Chavez); Revolution or Reformism based on the nationalization of oil for social purposes, something like state capitalism in domestic policy and seeking the Latin American integration that the liberators (Bolívar) sought as a foreign policy. On the Russian side, the interest was undoubtedly in the arms business.
The Russian-flagged ship entering the Cuban dock represented a power that in the Marxist dialectic would be defined as capitalist and bourgeois. While the port and the island that received it, still raised the flags of socialism although more progressive. This same ship would later enter the Venezuelan port of the Bolivarian Revolution (Hugo Chavez); Revolution or Reformism based on the nationalization of oil for social purposes, something like state capitalism in domestic policy and seeking the Latin American integration that the liberators (Bolívar) sought as a foreign policy. On the Russian side, the interest was undoubtedly in the arms business.
Venezuela purchased 100,000 units of the AK-103 assault rifle, a modernized variant of the Kalashnikov, with the first shipments arriving in 2006. The purchase agreement also included a license for Venezuela to manufacture its own AK-103 rifles and ammunition, for which the construction of a factory was planned. These rifles were intended to replace the aging Belgian FAL rifles that had been in use by the Venezuelan military for decades.
1959. Arturo Frondizi, President of Argentina, addressing the Joint Session of the US Congress in Washington. In the photo behind him is Richard Nixon who was Dwight D. Eisenhower's Vice President.
1960. U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower visited Argentine President Arturo Frondizi in Argentina from
February 26 to February 29, 1960, as part of a goodwill tour of South America.
February 26 to February 29, 1960, as part of a goodwill tour of South America.
1960. President Frondizi visit London. Photo: HistoricImages.
"Libertarian Revolution": Following the 1955 Revolución Libertadora that overthrew Juan Perón, General Eduardo Lonardi was the initial provisional president, but was quickly replaced by Aramburu in November 1955. This period marked the repeal of the Justicialist Constitution of 1949 and the return to the 1853 constitutional rule, albeit with Peronism proscribed from elections.
Argentina joined the IMF in 1956 and has since entered into 23 financial arrangements, more than any other member country. The relationship is often criticized within Argentina for the harsh austerity measures and conditionalities that accompany the loans.
Pedro Eugenio Aramburu (de facto, November 13, 1955 – May 1, 1958)
Arturo Frondizi (May 1, 1958 – March 29, 1962)
José María Guido (interim, March 29, 1962 – October 12, 1963)
Arturo Umberto Illia (October 12, 1963 – June 28, 1966)
"Libertarian Revolution": Following the 1955 Revolución Libertadora that overthrew Juan Perón, General Eduardo Lonardi was the initial provisional president, but was quickly replaced by Aramburu in November 1955. This period marked the repeal of the Justicialist Constitution of 1949 and the return to the 1853 constitutional rule, albeit with Peronism proscribed from elections.
Argentina joined the IMF in 1956 and has since entered into 23 financial arrangements, more than any other member country. The relationship is often criticized within Argentina for the harsh austerity measures and conditionalities that accompany the loans.
Pedro Eugenio Aramburu (de facto, November 13, 1955 – May 1, 1958)
Arturo Frondizi (May 1, 1958 – March 29, 1962)
José María Guido (interim, March 29, 1962 – October 12, 1963)
Arturo Umberto Illia (October 12, 1963 – June 28, 1966)
Left photo: A French-flagged transport ship loaded with 76 tons of Belgian-made grenades and ammunition for Cuba, exploded in the Port of Havana, leaving a hundred dead and twice as many wounded.
Right photo: Fidel Castro accused the act as sabotage. On the right, Fidel Castro, Che Guevara and other figures of the Revolution and international Marxism are seen in a march honoring the victims of the attack.
The "La Coubre" was part of a series of shipments from the Belgian manufacturer Fabrique Nationale (FN). While many of the actual FN FAL rifles (Fusil Automatique Léger, or Light Automatic Rifle) had arrived in prior shipments, this final one contained the accompanying ammunition and 25,000 anti-personnel and anti-tank FAL rifle grenades. The FN FAL rifles and their ammunition were originally ordered (35.000 FN FAL rifles including some heavy-barreled FN FALO light machine gun), by the government of Fulgencio Batista in 1958. However, none of the shipments arrived before Batista fled Cuba on January 1, 1959.
Right photo: Fidel Castro accused the act as sabotage. On the right, Fidel Castro, Che Guevara and other figures of the Revolution and international Marxism are seen in a march honoring the victims of the attack.
The "La Coubre" was part of a series of shipments from the Belgian manufacturer Fabrique Nationale (FN). While many of the actual FN FAL rifles (Fusil Automatique Léger, or Light Automatic Rifle) had arrived in prior shipments, this final one contained the accompanying ammunition and 25,000 anti-personnel and anti-tank FAL rifle grenades. The FN FAL rifles and their ammunition were originally ordered (35.000 FN FAL rifles including some heavy-barreled FN FALO light machine gun), by the government of Fulgencio Batista in 1958. However, none of the shipments arrived before Batista fled Cuba on January 1, 1959.
Bolivian M34 Postwar German Lightweight Helmet
1960. Bolivian soldiers with postwar M34 German Helmets. Photo: GettyImages.
--------------------------------------
1930s. Bolivia at war:
The Chaco War(1932–1935) between Bolivia and Paraguay was fueled by territorial disputes and widespread belief that the region contained vast oil reserves, leading to the popular, though partly debated, theory that it was a proxy war for oil giants US Standard Oil (backing Bolivia) and Royal Dutch Shell (supporting Paraguay). Royal Dutch Shell was a separate entity from the company that became British Petroleum (BP), though they did have a significant business link in the UK market during the era of the Chaco War.
Argentina provided significant, though officially covert, political, economic, and military intelligence support to Paraguay
during the Chaco War. While officially neutral and involved in mediation efforts, Argentina's* actions demonstrated a clear bias toward Paraguay.
(*1930s Argentina during the "Infamous Decade" (Década Infame), certainly had a profound economic dependence on Britain. This relationship heavily influenced Argentine policy and internal politics".
German military instructors had a significant and long-lasting influence on the Bolivian Army in the early 20th century, particularly through the figure of General Hans Kundt, who was the primary architect of the army's organization and a key commander during the Chaco War.
Tanks and Armored Vehicles
Bolivia was the only country in the conflict to field tanks, becoming the first South American nation to use them in combat.
Vickers 6-Ton Light Tanks: Bolivia acquired several models, including a single twin-turreted Type A (armed with two 7.65mm Vickers machine guns) and two single-turreted Type B tanks (armed with a short 47mm gun and a coaxial machine gun).
Carden Loyd Mark IV Universal Carriers: Bolivia received a few of these tracked machine gun carriers.
Ansaldo L3/33 or L3/35 Tankettes: Fourteen of these Italian-made tankettes were delivered to Bolivia later in the conflict (between the end of fighting in 1935 and the peace treaty signing in 1938).
Artillery
The Bolivian Army possessed a significant artillery advantage at the beginning of the war, although the dense Chaco scrub limited its effectiveness.
Mountain Guns and Howitzers: This included a variety of mountain guns and howitzers from different European manufacturers.
60mm Krupp mountain gun
75mm Schneider gun
75mm Krupp L13 mountain gun
105mm Vickers Mk B and Mk C howitzers
Anti-Aircraft Guns: Bolivia also used 20mm Oerlikon automatic guns for air defense.
Small Arms and Machine Guns
Bolivian infantry were well-equipped with modern, foreign-sourced small arms.
Rifles: The primary service rifle was the Czechoslovakian Vz. 24 Mauser, chambered in 7.65mm. Other Mauser models (M1891, M1895, M1907) were also in service.
Machine Guns: Both light and heavy machine guns were used, many being water-cooled models that were hampered by the lack of water in the arid Chaco region.
Vickers water-cooled machine guns
DWM Maxim M1904 and M1911 machine guns
Madsen light machine guns
ZB vz. 26 and Vickers-Berthier light machine guns
Submachine Guns: Bolivia also used various submachine guns, including the Bergmann MP 28, Steyr Solothurn S1-100, and Suomi KP-31.
Vehicles
Logistical support was a major challenge for Bolivia due to long supply lines from the Andes. They relied heavily on motor transport, with thousands of trucks used to move men and supplies, though many broke down due to the harsh conditions.
Transport Aircraft: The air force played a crucial logistical role, using aircraft like the Junkers Ju 52 transport planes for air supply and medical evacuation, delivering over 4,400 tons of cargo to the front.
Patrol Boats: For riverine operations, especially in the northern Chaco, Bolivia deployed some locally built patrol boats and transport vessels.
--------------------------------------
1930s. Bolivia at war:
The Chaco War(1932–1935) between Bolivia and Paraguay was fueled by territorial disputes and widespread belief that the region contained vast oil reserves, leading to the popular, though partly debated, theory that it was a proxy war for oil giants US Standard Oil (backing Bolivia) and Royal Dutch Shell (supporting Paraguay). Royal Dutch Shell was a separate entity from the company that became British Petroleum (BP), though they did have a significant business link in the UK market during the era of the Chaco War.
Argentina provided significant, though officially covert, political, economic, and military intelligence support to Paraguay
during the Chaco War. While officially neutral and involved in mediation efforts, Argentina's* actions demonstrated a clear bias toward Paraguay.
(*1930s Argentina during the "Infamous Decade" (Década Infame), certainly had a profound economic dependence on Britain. This relationship heavily influenced Argentine policy and internal politics".
German military instructors had a significant and long-lasting influence on the Bolivian Army in the early 20th century, particularly through the figure of General Hans Kundt, who was the primary architect of the army's organization and a key commander during the Chaco War.
Tanks and Armored Vehicles
Bolivia was the only country in the conflict to field tanks, becoming the first South American nation to use them in combat.
Vickers 6-Ton Light Tanks: Bolivia acquired several models, including a single twin-turreted Type A (armed with two 7.65mm Vickers machine guns) and two single-turreted Type B tanks (armed with a short 47mm gun and a coaxial machine gun).
Carden Loyd Mark IV Universal Carriers: Bolivia received a few of these tracked machine gun carriers.
Ansaldo L3/33 or L3/35 Tankettes: Fourteen of these Italian-made tankettes were delivered to Bolivia later in the conflict (between the end of fighting in 1935 and the peace treaty signing in 1938).
Artillery
The Bolivian Army possessed a significant artillery advantage at the beginning of the war, although the dense Chaco scrub limited its effectiveness.
Mountain Guns and Howitzers: This included a variety of mountain guns and howitzers from different European manufacturers.
60mm Krupp mountain gun
75mm Schneider gun
75mm Krupp L13 mountain gun
105mm Vickers Mk B and Mk C howitzers
Anti-Aircraft Guns: Bolivia also used 20mm Oerlikon automatic guns for air defense.
Small Arms and Machine Guns
Bolivian infantry were well-equipped with modern, foreign-sourced small arms.
Rifles: The primary service rifle was the Czechoslovakian Vz. 24 Mauser, chambered in 7.65mm. Other Mauser models (M1891, M1895, M1907) were also in service.
Machine Guns: Both light and heavy machine guns were used, many being water-cooled models that were hampered by the lack of water in the arid Chaco region.
Vickers water-cooled machine guns
DWM Maxim M1904 and M1911 machine guns
Madsen light machine guns
ZB vz. 26 and Vickers-Berthier light machine guns
Submachine Guns: Bolivia also used various submachine guns, including the Bergmann MP 28, Steyr Solothurn S1-100, and Suomi KP-31.
Vehicles
Logistical support was a major challenge for Bolivia due to long supply lines from the Andes. They relied heavily on motor transport, with thousands of trucks used to move men and supplies, though many broke down due to the harsh conditions.
Transport Aircraft: The air force played a crucial logistical role, using aircraft like the Junkers Ju 52 transport planes for air supply and medical evacuation, delivering over 4,400 tons of cargo to the front.
Patrol Boats: For riverine operations, especially in the northern Chaco, Bolivia deployed some locally built patrol boats and transport vessels.
Nicaraguan M1 Helmet
1960. Nicaraguan soldiers with US M1 helmet. Photo: HistoricImages.
Anastasio Somoza family (Nicaragua). A U.S.-backed dynastic dictatorship that treated Nicaragua as a private estate for nearly 50 years until their overthrow by the Sandinista revolution in 1979.
Anastasio Somoza family (Nicaragua). A U.S.-backed dynastic dictatorship that treated Nicaragua as a private estate for nearly 50 years until their overthrow by the Sandinista revolution in 1979.
Argentine US M1 helmet (Both Wartime and Postwar models)
1962. Argentine soldier next to a C-47A Skytrain. RAF designation "Dakota",developed from the civilian Douglas DC-3 airliner. It was used extensively by the Allies during WW2. Photo: HistoricImages.
Around the late 40s, Argentina bought some units of the US Navy, some of them had been in Pearl Harbor. Inside those ships were batches of wartime US M1 surplus helmets that would be used by both the crews on board and the Marines.
In the late 50s, early 60s, Argentina received through the "Military Assistance Program" US M1 post-war production helmets for the army and air force. Towards the mid-1960s, Argentina began production of M1 clones to replace the old Swiss helmets in service in the army and the Navy's US M1 wartime. However, the M1 Wartime, due to their similarity, would continue in service alongside their postwar (Cold war) productions and the Argentine's clones. A notable identifying feature of the Argentine-made version is a slightly longer visor compared to the original U.S. M1 helmet.
Around the late 40s, Argentina bought some units of the US Navy, some of them had been in Pearl Harbor. Inside those ships were batches of wartime US M1 surplus helmets that would be used by both the crews on board and the Marines.
In the late 50s, early 60s, Argentina received through the "Military Assistance Program" US M1 post-war production helmets for the army and air force. Towards the mid-1960s, Argentina began production of M1 clones to replace the old Swiss helmets in service in the army and the Navy's US M1 wartime. However, the M1 Wartime, due to their similarity, would continue in service alongside their postwar (Cold war) productions and the Argentine's clones. A notable identifying feature of the Argentine-made version is a slightly longer visor compared to the original U.S. M1 helmet.
Cuban M51 Helmets
Photo: Early 60s. Probably when they received the M51 Bulgarian Helmets. Soldiers salute with their VZ52 Czech rifles.
The vz. 52 rifle (short for vzor 52, meaning "model 52") is a Czechoslovakian semi-automatic rifle developed shortly after World War II and noted for its unique design features and the proprietary 7.62x45mm cartridge it originally fired.
Designed by Jan and Jaroslav Kratochvíl in the early 1950s, the vz. 52 was manufactured by Česká zbrojovka and Považské strojárne, with approximately one million units built between 1952 and 1959.
Despite its innovative domestic design, the vz. 52 and 52/57 variants had a relatively short service life in the Czechoslovak military before being replaced by the more advanced vz. 58 assault rifle in 1959.
After their decommissioning from frontline service, many vz. 52 rifles were widely exported as military aid to Soviet-allied nations, seeing action in various Cold War conflicts including the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Angolan Civil War, and the Rhodesian Bush War. Today, the vz. 52 is often regarded by collectors as an interesting transitional firearm linking bolt-action rifles with modern assault rifles.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thousands of Cubans died around the world in proxy wars of the Cold War. The Angolan Civil War resulted in the most Cuban soldier deaths during the Cold War. Estimates of Cuban fatalities in the conflict range from approximately 1,000 up to 14,000*, with official Cuban figures often disputed.
Cuba's involvement in the Angolan Civil War was its most significant foreign military intervention during the Cold War, lasting from the mid-1970s until 1991. The Cuban military deployed tens of thousands of troops to Angola to support the Soviet-backed People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) government against the UNITA insurgency and South African forces.
*Note that approximately 15,000 Soviet soldiers died during their intervention in the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989), which includes the official count of 14,453 and slightly higher unofficial estimates
The vz. 52 rifle (short for vzor 52, meaning "model 52") is a Czechoslovakian semi-automatic rifle developed shortly after World War II and noted for its unique design features and the proprietary 7.62x45mm cartridge it originally fired.
Designed by Jan and Jaroslav Kratochvíl in the early 1950s, the vz. 52 was manufactured by Česká zbrojovka and Považské strojárne, with approximately one million units built between 1952 and 1959.
Despite its innovative domestic design, the vz. 52 and 52/57 variants had a relatively short service life in the Czechoslovak military before being replaced by the more advanced vz. 58 assault rifle in 1959.
After their decommissioning from frontline service, many vz. 52 rifles were widely exported as military aid to Soviet-allied nations, seeing action in various Cold War conflicts including the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Angolan Civil War, and the Rhodesian Bush War. Today, the vz. 52 is often regarded by collectors as an interesting transitional firearm linking bolt-action rifles with modern assault rifles.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thousands of Cubans died around the world in proxy wars of the Cold War. The Angolan Civil War resulted in the most Cuban soldier deaths during the Cold War. Estimates of Cuban fatalities in the conflict range from approximately 1,000 up to 14,000*, with official Cuban figures often disputed.
Cuba's involvement in the Angolan Civil War was its most significant foreign military intervention during the Cold War, lasting from the mid-1970s until 1991. The Cuban military deployed tens of thousands of troops to Angola to support the Soviet-backed People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) government against the UNITA insurgency and South African forces.
*Note that approximately 15,000 Soviet soldiers died during their intervention in the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989), which includes the official count of 14,453 and slightly higher unofficial estimates
1962. Cuban soldiers with Bulgarian M51 steel helmets.The troops also use Belgian FN FAl.
1962. Cuban soldiers with Bulgarian M51 Bulgarian and Czech WZ53 Helmet with Belgian FN FAL.Photo: GettyImages.
1960. In this photo, Cuban leader Fidel Castro* met with Algerian leader Ben Bella. Che Guevara is seen in the back. Ben Bella probably had no shortage of translators with the nationalists of Western Sahara as allies. Among other things, this might explain the origin of the Bulgarian M51 helmet in Algeria. Fidel Castro would send the Cuban Army and Che Guevara on a series of missions in Africa , where Algeria would be his most important ally.
* While he was never a career soldier in a traditional professional army, Fidel Castro was a military leader who spent his entire public life in uniform and held the highest possible military rank in Cuba.
Self-Taught Command: Like Castro, many revolutionary leaders (including Che Guevara, a doctor) had no formal academy training. They gained "military status" through the creation of a parallel army that eventually replaced the state's professional force. In historical and revolutionary terms, when a civilian takes up arms to lead or participate in a rebellion, they transition into what is known as a "Revolutionary Soldier" or Guerrilla.
* While he was never a career soldier in a traditional professional army, Fidel Castro was a military leader who spent his entire public life in uniform and held the highest possible military rank in Cuba.
Self-Taught Command: Like Castro, many revolutionary leaders (including Che Guevara, a doctor) had no formal academy training. They gained "military status" through the creation of a parallel army that eventually replaced the state's professional force. In historical and revolutionary terms, when a civilian takes up arms to lead or participate in a rebellion, they transition into what is known as a "Revolutionary Soldier" or Guerrilla.
Cuba driven by its own revolutionary ideals of "proletarian internationalism" and anti-imperialism, was involved in over a dozen major conflicts, proxy wars, and military interventions across the globe during the Cold War (1950s–1991). These interventions spanned Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East, driven by the Castro government's commitment to spreading revolutionary ideals and countering US influence.
During the Cold War, Cuba had the most well-equipped and combat-experienced armed forces in Latin America, capable of projecting power overseas in ways no other Latin American country could. However, its military power was not superior to all other Latin American countries combined in terms of aggregate manpower or industrial capacity.
The dependency on Soviet weapons highlights why Cuba achieved such disproportionate military strength for a small island nation, but the combined total industrial and human resources of the rest of the continent always represented a larger overall capacity.
Some conflicts:
Bay of Pigs Invasion (1961): Cuba successfully defended against a US-sponsored invasion by Cuban exiles.
Cuban Missile Crisis (1962): While not an active war with fighting, this was the most dangerous direct confrontation involving Cuba, the U.S., and the Soviet Union, bringing the world to the brink of nuclear war.
Sand War (Algeria, 1963–1964): Cuba sent troops, tanks, and artillery to support Algeria against Morocco.
Congo Crisis (1963-1965): Che Guevara led a force of Cuban personnel to support the Simba rebellion.
Guinea-Bissau War of Independence (1963–1974): Cuba provided extensive military aid and personnel to the PAIGC independence movement against Portugal.
Yom Kippur War/War of Attrition (Syria, 1973–1974): Cuba deployed tank brigades (around 746 troops) to support Syria against Israel in the Golan Heights.
Angolan Civil War (1975–1991): This was Cuba's largest and most prolonged military intervention, with over 300,000 troops rotating through Angola to support the MPLA government against US and South African-backed forces. Cuban forces played a decisive role in key battles, like Cuito Cuanavale, which contributed to South Africa's withdrawal and Namibia's independence.
Ogaden War (Ethiopia, 1977–1978): Cuba deployed around 16,000 troops to support the Ethiopian government against an invasion by Somalia.
Invasion of Grenada (1983): Cuban construction workers and some military personnel resisted the U.S. invasion of the island, which overthrew the Cuban-supported Revolutionary Military Council.
Support for Insurgencies and Rebel Movements
Additionally, Cuba supported numerous insurgent and rebel groups across the globe with military advisors, training, and logistical support:
Bolivia (1966–1967): Che Guevara led a failed attempt to start a revolution.
Venezuela: Provided support to guerrillas in the 1960s.
Nicaragua/El Salvador: Supported the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and FMLN in the Nicaraguan and Salvadoran Civil Wars, respectively.
South Yemen, Iraq, Mozambique, North Vietnam: Had military personnel and/or provided support.
In total, Cuba had military and advisory missions in over a dozen countries during the Cold War.
During the Cold War, Cuba had the most well-equipped and combat-experienced armed forces in Latin America, capable of projecting power overseas in ways no other Latin American country could. However, its military power was not superior to all other Latin American countries combined in terms of aggregate manpower or industrial capacity.
The dependency on Soviet weapons highlights why Cuba achieved such disproportionate military strength for a small island nation, but the combined total industrial and human resources of the rest of the continent always represented a larger overall capacity.
Some conflicts:
Bay of Pigs Invasion (1961): Cuba successfully defended against a US-sponsored invasion by Cuban exiles.
Cuban Missile Crisis (1962): While not an active war with fighting, this was the most dangerous direct confrontation involving Cuba, the U.S., and the Soviet Union, bringing the world to the brink of nuclear war.
Sand War (Algeria, 1963–1964): Cuba sent troops, tanks, and artillery to support Algeria against Morocco.
Congo Crisis (1963-1965): Che Guevara led a force of Cuban personnel to support the Simba rebellion.
Guinea-Bissau War of Independence (1963–1974): Cuba provided extensive military aid and personnel to the PAIGC independence movement against Portugal.
Yom Kippur War/War of Attrition (Syria, 1973–1974): Cuba deployed tank brigades (around 746 troops) to support Syria against Israel in the Golan Heights.
Angolan Civil War (1975–1991): This was Cuba's largest and most prolonged military intervention, with over 300,000 troops rotating through Angola to support the MPLA government against US and South African-backed forces. Cuban forces played a decisive role in key battles, like Cuito Cuanavale, which contributed to South Africa's withdrawal and Namibia's independence.
Ogaden War (Ethiopia, 1977–1978): Cuba deployed around 16,000 troops to support the Ethiopian government against an invasion by Somalia.
Invasion of Grenada (1983): Cuban construction workers and some military personnel resisted the U.S. invasion of the island, which overthrew the Cuban-supported Revolutionary Military Council.
Support for Insurgencies and Rebel Movements
Additionally, Cuba supported numerous insurgent and rebel groups across the globe with military advisors, training, and logistical support:
Bolivia (1966–1967): Che Guevara led a failed attempt to start a revolution.
Venezuela: Provided support to guerrillas in the 1960s.
Nicaragua/El Salvador: Supported the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and FMLN in the Nicaraguan and Salvadoran Civil Wars, respectively.
South Yemen, Iraq, Mozambique, North Vietnam: Had military personnel and/or provided support.
In total, Cuba had military and advisory missions in over a dozen countries during the Cold War.
In the photo, Jorge Masetti, a young Argentine journalist. He was the kind of young man who traveled to Cuba in a jacket and tie and ended up doing revolutionary tourism around the world. In 1961, Castro sent Masetti on a mission to Algiers to offer arms shipments to the Algerian rebels (Houari Boumédiène) of the National Liberation Front. Masetti was also the founder of the Cuban newspaper "Prensa Latina".
Masetti became Che Guevara's second-in-command, which is why he became known as the "Second Commander" of the EGP. This guerrilla army traveled to Bolivia to ignite the foquismo and try to repeat Castro's success in Cuba. In the ranks of the EGP, there were many Cubans and also French, among other internationals. Che Guevara sent Masetti along with a division of the EGP to cross the border with Argentina to open a new foquista front. In 1964 Masetti ended up MIA in the jungle, while his men were taken prisoner. Che Guevara would die in Bolivia years later.
According to Hector Jouvet, who was a survival lieutenant of the EGP - PGA (People's Guerrilla Army), this group was armed with: "From the 'Garand' rifle, semi-automatic and with a seven-round magazine, to the FAL (Fusil Automático Liviano) with anti-tank grenades. Also American hand grenades, the ' Energas ', two bazookas with Soviet 'RPG' projectiles, there were 'M1' and 'M2' used by the Americans and 'M3', which was of the PAM type but of a larger caliber: 11.25. And machine guns similar to the Halcón, like the ones the Argentine police had.". These"grease guns" were inherited by Cuba from Batista's army. The order for the FN FAL rifles was placed by the regime of Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista in 1958. However, the rifles were delivered to Fidel Castro's new revolutionary government after Batista had fled the country.
Masetti became Che Guevara's second-in-command, which is why he became known as the "Second Commander" of the EGP. This guerrilla army traveled to Bolivia to ignite the foquismo and try to repeat Castro's success in Cuba. In the ranks of the EGP, there were many Cubans and also French, among other internationals. Che Guevara sent Masetti along with a division of the EGP to cross the border with Argentina to open a new foquista front. In 1964 Masetti ended up MIA in the jungle, while his men were taken prisoner. Che Guevara would die in Bolivia years later.
According to Hector Jouvet, who was a survival lieutenant of the EGP - PGA (People's Guerrilla Army), this group was armed with: "From the 'Garand' rifle, semi-automatic and with a seven-round magazine, to the FAL (Fusil Automático Liviano) with anti-tank grenades. Also American hand grenades, the ' Energas ', two bazookas with Soviet 'RPG' projectiles, there were 'M1' and 'M2' used by the Americans and 'M3', which was of the PAM type but of a larger caliber: 11.25. And machine guns similar to the Halcón, like the ones the Argentine police had.". These"grease guns" were inherited by Cuba from Batista's army. The order for the FN FAL rifles was placed by the regime of Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista in 1958. However, the rifles were delivered to Fidel Castro's new revolutionary government after Batista had fled the country.
Guevara (left in the photo) understood late that the Bolivian Communist Party was as bureaucratized as the Kremlin and that his struggle would be lost in the jungle as happened to Masetti (the one on the right). In those decades, each Latin country had its dictatorship and its guerrillas. Some were local, such as the Tupamaros in Uruguay, Montoneros, and ERP in Argentina , and the MIR in Chile. Others were transnational, such as Guevara's EGP.
Che Guevara visited Juan Perón in Spain during Perón's nearly 20-year exile. Historical accounts indicate that they met at least twice at Perón's residence in Puerta de Hierro, Madrid. During one of these meetings in 1966, Che Guevara reportedly sought support for his planned revolutionary campaign in Bolivia. Perón, in turn, advised Guevara that the plan was "madness" and that he was committing suicide by pursuing it.
Che Guevara visited Juan Perón in Spain during Perón's nearly 20-year exile. Historical accounts indicate that they met at least twice at Perón's residence in Puerta de Hierro, Madrid. During one of these meetings in 1966, Che Guevara reportedly sought support for his planned revolutionary campaign in Bolivia. Perón, in turn, advised Guevara that the plan was "madness" and that he was committing suicide by pursuing it.
Cuban Wz53
Cuban Czech Wz53 helmet, probably in Angola.
1962. Cuban soldiers with WZ53 Czech helmets patrolling the beaches.
1962. Cuban soldiers with Czech Wz53 helmets. Guantanamo area. Photo: HistoricImages.
Cuban Missile Crisis and Island Blockade
1962. Kennedy (JFK ) and Nikita Khrushchev. In this year, the world was very close to a new world war. In response to U.S. missiles placed in Turkey, the Soviet Union installed its missiles in Cuba (Missile Crisis ). The United States invoked the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance in the face of confrontation with a non-American actor such as the USSR. This same treaty was not invoked during the South Atlantic War in 1982. The United States led the navies of the countries on the continent to totally blockade Cuba while NATO prepared to test Warsaw Pact defenses.
(The Argentine Navy contributed with two destroyers to the multinational naval blockade (officially a "quarantine") during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. The ships were the ARA Espora and the ARA Rosales ).
(The Argentine Navy contributed with two destroyers to the multinational naval blockade (officially a "quarantine") during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. The ships were the ARA Espora and the ARA Rosales ).
The conflict was settled diplomatically. Kennedy pledged not to invade Cuba and Khrushchev to withdraw from the island and Latin America. This agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union behind Castro's back was not to the liking of Fidel Castro , who redirected his relations with the Progressive left of the European parties (EU). For his part, Che Guevara continued to seek support from Moscow to continue with foquismo in Latin America until he met his death in Bolivia. It is likely that there was a split between Castro and Guevara. The latter continued to seek support from Moscow while Castro pledged to keep the Russians away from the "Backyard. " Despite the crisis having been resolved, Washington maintains an economic embargo on Cuba to this day.
After the agreement between Washington and Moscow, behind Havana's back, Castro had to rely on the left of the European parties and the Non-Aligned Movement.
After the agreement between Washington and Moscow, behind Havana's back, Castro had to rely on the left of the European parties and the Non-Aligned Movement.
1955. Bandung Conference. Non-Aligned Movement ( NAM ) from left to right are Jawaharlal Nehru of India, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, Sukarno of Indonesia, and Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia.
This bloc was, in its beginnings, a kind of what the "BRICS" are today, but from the 50s to today, the world reality has changed, and in this case, Yugoslavia no longer exists since the Balkan war. Egypt is no longer the same as it was during Nasser, and India has become an emerging power ; today, it is part of the BRICS along with Brazil (the only Latin American power). The non-aligned countries today are part of the Global South.
This bloc was, in its beginnings, a kind of what the "BRICS" are today, but from the 50s to today, the world reality has changed, and in this case, Yugoslavia no longer exists since the Balkan war. Egypt is no longer the same as it was during Nasser, and India has become an emerging power ; today, it is part of the BRICS along with Brazil (the only Latin American power). The non-aligned countries today are part of the Global South.
Argentine M18 Helmet
1962. Argentine soldiers with M18 Swiss helmet (Argentine M38). Photo: AP.
March 1962 coup d'état was a swift military intervention that removed the constitutional President Arturo Frondizi from power. The event was triggered primarily by Frondizi's decision to allow the Peronist party, which had been banned since 1955, to participate in the recent provincial elections, resulting in significant victories for Peronist candidates.
September 1962 - April 1963. The struggle between two opposing factions within the Argentine Armed Forces whose intense rivalry culminated in a series of armed confrontations between September 1962 and April 1963, following the coup against President Arturo Frondizi
The Reds were from the military sector linked to the 1955 military coup against Perón; they were an alliance of opposition parties connected to the oligarchy and the British Empire, as well as the Communists (Moscow) and the Roman Clergy (Vatican). Admiral Rojas was the leader of the red side in the Navy.
The Blues were those who wanted to lift the political ban on Peronism in order to reach an agreement with the unions, but the condition was a "Peronism without Perón." General Perón would continue in exile .
The Blue military side was the one who took power in 1966 after another coup d'état (Against President Arthro Illlia) and carry out the so-called "Argentine Revolution 1966-1973. " The Argentine Revolution originated from the rejection of nationalist sectors of the Army toward the MAP (Military Assistance Plan) because, for them, that meant dependency, and they opted for self-sufficiency based on National Industry. This revolution attempted to swap the Pentagon military AID for the European Arms Industry, including that of Eastern Europe, but it all ended in a new coup d'état.
March 1962 coup d'état was a swift military intervention that removed the constitutional President Arturo Frondizi from power. The event was triggered primarily by Frondizi's decision to allow the Peronist party, which had been banned since 1955, to participate in the recent provincial elections, resulting in significant victories for Peronist candidates.
September 1962 - April 1963. The struggle between two opposing factions within the Argentine Armed Forces whose intense rivalry culminated in a series of armed confrontations between September 1962 and April 1963, following the coup against President Arturo Frondizi
The Reds were from the military sector linked to the 1955 military coup against Perón; they were an alliance of opposition parties connected to the oligarchy and the British Empire, as well as the Communists (Moscow) and the Roman Clergy (Vatican). Admiral Rojas was the leader of the red side in the Navy.
The Blues were those who wanted to lift the political ban on Peronism in order to reach an agreement with the unions, but the condition was a "Peronism without Perón." General Perón would continue in exile .
The Blue military side was the one who took power in 1966 after another coup d'état (Against President Arthro Illlia) and carry out the so-called "Argentine Revolution 1966-1973. " The Argentine Revolution originated from the rejection of nationalist sectors of the Army toward the MAP (Military Assistance Plan) because, for them, that meant dependency, and they opted for self-sufficiency based on National Industry. This revolution attempted to swap the Pentagon military AID for the European Arms Industry, including that of Eastern Europe, but it all ended in a new coup d'état.
"Argentine Revolution" was the name given by its leaders to the military coup that overthrew the constitutional president Arturo Umberto Illia on June 28, 1966, and established a civic-military dictatorship headed by General Juan Carlos Ongania.
The Peronism was forbidden and the majority of the population could not vote for his party, generating civil disobedience. These nationalist military sought to remove from power the neoliberal libertarians, seeking an alliance with the unions in the hands of Peronism, for an industrial revolution supported by European countries, including those of the East. But the condition was a Peronism without Perón who would continue in his long exile.
This "Argentine Revolution" would end in another coup in 1970. Social protests and internal divisions within the Armed Forces (Nationalist vs Neoliberals), led to Onganía being deposed by the Junta of Commanders-in-Chief on June 8, 1970, and replaced by Roberto Marcelo Levingston, who would be succeeded by Lanusse.
Lanusse was the leader who formalized the agreement with Chile to use the British Crown as the arbitrator in the Beagle channel arbitration process.
The Peronism was forbidden and the majority of the population could not vote for his party, generating civil disobedience. These nationalist military sought to remove from power the neoliberal libertarians, seeking an alliance with the unions in the hands of Peronism, for an industrial revolution supported by European countries, including those of the East. But the condition was a Peronism without Perón who would continue in his long exile.
This "Argentine Revolution" would end in another coup in 1970. Social protests and internal divisions within the Armed Forces (Nationalist vs Neoliberals), led to Onganía being deposed by the Junta of Commanders-in-Chief on June 8, 1970, and replaced by Roberto Marcelo Levingston, who would be succeeded by Lanusse.
Lanusse was the leader who formalized the agreement with Chile to use the British Crown as the arbitrator in the Beagle channel arbitration process.
A naval F9F Panther attacks the army’s 8th armored regiment.
Honduran M1 Helmet
1963. Honduran military with US M1 helmet.
La Guerra del Futbol - The Football War
The Soccer War or the 100 Hour War, was a brief military conflict fought between El Salvador and Honduras in 1969. Existing tensions between the two countries coincided with rioting during a 1970 FIFA World Cup qualifier. The war began on 14 July 1969 when the Salvadoran military launched an attack against Honduras. The Organization of American States (OAS) negotiated a cease-fire on the night of 18 July, hence its nickname. Salvadoran troops were withdrawn in early August.
The Soccer War or the 100 Hour War, was a brief military conflict fought between El Salvador and Honduras in 1969. Existing tensions between the two countries coincided with rioting during a 1970 FIFA World Cup qualifier. The war began on 14 July 1969 when the Salvadoran military launched an attack against Honduras. The Organization of American States (OAS) negotiated a cease-fire on the night of 18 July, hence its nickname. Salvadoran troops were withdrawn in early August.
Dominican M1 Helmet
1963 Dominican Republic US M1 helmet. Photo: HistoricImages
1963. A handshake between a Dominican soldier and his Haitian neighbor country that also used the US M1.Photo: HistoricImages.
The Haitian military was officially disbanded in 1934 under U.S. occupation, and the country operated primarily with a small police force at that time. The United States has intervened in Haiti multiple times throughout its history, with significant military operations occurring on several occasions from 1915 to 2004.
Haiti is considered a French-speaking nation, Latin American country. It is located on the island of Hispaniola in the Caribbean, sharing the island with the Dominican Republic. Curiously, where Columbus supposedly landed in 1492 and had made contact with Native American tribes that no longer exist on the island. Haiti was colonized by the French.
The Haitian military was officially disbanded in 1934 under U.S. occupation, and the country operated primarily with a small police force at that time. The United States has intervened in Haiti multiple times throughout its history, with significant military operations occurring on several occasions from 1915 to 2004.
Haiti is considered a French-speaking nation, Latin American country. It is located on the island of Hispaniola in the Caribbean, sharing the island with the Dominican Republic. Curiously, where Columbus supposedly landed in 1492 and had made contact with Native American tribes that no longer exist on the island. Haiti was colonized by the French.
1964. Cuban sldier with AK47 and M51 helmet.
1962. Cuban military parade with M51 Bulgarian helmets. Photo: HistoricImages.
1964. A Cuban soldier on guard duty with M51 Bulgarian helmet. Photo: HistoricImages.
1965. U.S. military intervention in Domincan Republic. Photo: HistoricImages
Guatemalan M1 helmet
1966. Guatemalan soldiers with US M1 helmets.
1964. The Colombian guerrillas is a History of complex, decades-long conflict rooted in social inequality, political exclusion, and land rights disputes, which later became heavily intertwined with drug trafficking and the rise of right-wing paramilitary groups. They have three relevant groups, the FARC (,was a communist rural guerrilla group). ELN (Rural guerrilla inspired in Guevara) and M-19 (Urban guerrilla that had a mixed ideology that synthesized elements of nationalism, socialism, and democracy, moving away from strict Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy).
Colombian guerrilla groups (primarily the active ELN and FARC dissidents) use a highly diverse and eclectic mix of weaponry acquired through black markets, thefts from government stockpiles, and smuggling. Their arsenal ranges from decades-old standard military rifles to powerful improvised explosives and, more recently, modern drone technology.
For Colombia, both the guerrilla groups (specifically the active ELN and FARC dissidents) and the drug cartels are significant and overlapping problems that continue to fuel violence, instability, and corruption.
Drug trafficking in Latin America has evolved over decades, moving from a regional, loosely organized activity to a highly complex, international issue marked by extreme violence and vast profits. While there are some surface-level similarities like high levels of violence, economic inequality, and corruption, the security situation in Colombia is fundamentally different from Mexico's.
Colombian guerrilla groups (primarily the active ELN and FARC dissidents) use a highly diverse and eclectic mix of weaponry acquired through black markets, thefts from government stockpiles, and smuggling. Their arsenal ranges from decades-old standard military rifles to powerful improvised explosives and, more recently, modern drone technology.
For Colombia, both the guerrilla groups (specifically the active ELN and FARC dissidents) and the drug cartels are significant and overlapping problems that continue to fuel violence, instability, and corruption.
Drug trafficking in Latin America has evolved over decades, moving from a regional, loosely organized activity to a highly complex, international issue marked by extreme violence and vast profits. While there are some surface-level similarities like high levels of violence, economic inequality, and corruption, the security situation in Colombia is fundamentally different from Mexico's.
Peruvian Soviet Alignment
In 1968, a nationalist military coup overthrew a democratic government allied with Washington in Peru, which imposed an arms embargo on Peru. The general responsible for the coup was named Juan Velasco Alvarado, who immediately sought rapprochement with the Soviet Union. Peru received from Moscow T-55 tanks, ZSU-23-4 "Shilka" self-propelled anti-aircraft systems, Sukhoi Su-22 fighter-bombers, as well as Mi-8 helicopters, artillery, and AKM assault rifles, Sukhoi Su-22 fighters, Antonov An-26 and An-32 transport aircraft, and Mil Mi-8, Mi-17, Mi-25 , and Mi-26 helicopters.
In 1975, the general was overthrown by a military coup that would re-establish the previous democratic president.
Pictured is a Peruvian Su -22 flying in 1983.
In 1975, the general was overthrown by a military coup that would re-establish the previous democratic president.
Pictured is a Peruvian Su -22 flying in 1983.
Mexican M1 Helmet
1968. Mexican troops with US M1 helmet. Photo: GettyImages.
Salvadorean M1 Helmet
1969. Salvadorean soldiers with US M1 helmet, M1 Garand rifles and Madsen M-1934 LMG. Photo: HistoricImahes.
Uruguayan M1 Helmet
1972. Uruguayan troops with US M1 helmet. Photo: Getty Images
Chilean M1 Hemets
1973. The President of Chile Salvador Allende resisting the 1973 coup before dying. The president has a US M1 helmet in use in the Chilean Army and carries an AKMS assault rifle of Soviet origin given to him by Fidel Castro. Their guards also carried Soviet weaponry.
1973. Chilean troops with US M1 helmets surrounding the President's resistance.
In 1973, Isabel Perón, on behalf of her husband, visited Mao's China and North Korea, seeking to strengthen bilateral relations with these blocs. This was unusual in Argentina and something that would bring geopolitical consequences. Perón's rapprochement with the PRC and the DPRK took place during the Sino-Soviet Split.
Despite this rapprochement between Peronism and Mao's PRC and the "Juche" government of the DPRK, Argentina would still be a long way from replacing an M1 helmet with one from the Eastern Bloc .
Despite this rapprochement between Peronism and Mao's PRC and the "Juche" government of the DPRK, Argentina would still be a long way from replacing an M1 helmet with one from the Eastern Bloc .
Argentine made M1 NATO Helmet
1974. Argentine US M1 helmet. In the late 40s, Argentina received wartime US M1 helmets. In the 60s, the country continued to receive helmets from the United States through the Military Aid Program until it began to manufacture them under the name M1 NATO. This series of photos was taken during the death of General Perón. Photo: Press.
In these photos, Isabel Perón visits Antarctica. She was one of the first women to be head of state, after Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Indira Gandhi . She served as the president of Argentina after the death of her husband, Juan Domingo Perón, in 1974, making her not only the first female president in Argentina but also the first in the Americas. During her presidency, she faced significant political and economic challenges before being overthrown in a military coup in 1976. After the coup d'état, she spent five years in prison until her exile.
Juan Perón met María Estela Martínez (Isabel Perón) in the mid-1950s in Panama, where she was working as a nightclub dancer. The meeting occurred shortly after Juan Perón had been deposed from the Argentine presidency by a military coup and forced into exile in September 1955.
Perón lived a nomadic existence in other South American dictatorships (Paraguay, Venezuela, Panama, Dominican Republic) before settling in Spain. During this time, the new Argentine military governments actively sought to "neutralize" him, and there were several alleged plots and constant threats against his life.
Juan Perón met María Estela Martínez (Isabel Perón) in the mid-1950s in Panama, where she was working as a nightclub dancer. The meeting occurred shortly after Juan Perón had been deposed from the Argentine presidency by a military coup and forced into exile in September 1955.
Perón lived a nomadic existence in other South American dictatorships (Paraguay, Venezuela, Panama, Dominican Republic) before settling in Spain. During this time, the new Argentine military governments actively sought to "neutralize" him, and there were several alleged plots and constant threats against his life.
1974-75. On the left of the photo, guerrillas with MAO-type caps. On the right, conscripted soldiers of the Argentine Army sent to fight them in the jungle. It should be noted that this guerrilla group belonged to left-wing micro parties, which as a whole could not win an election (to this day), beat Peronism, the largest Argentine political party and even less so with Perón in life.. That was their frustration and hence their armed struggle. Argentina was not Cuba.
In the 70s in Argentina, armed groups appeared to destabilize the last government of General Perón who had arrived in his country at that time after a long exile (1955 Coup). After Perón's death in 1974, the Peronist government of Isabel Perón , carried out an anti-guerrilla operation in the jungle of Tucumán against the guerrillas and the US M1 helmet and the old Swiss M18 helmets were used here. The guerrilla groups had foreign fighters in their ranks, including Cubans and Algerians who, compared to other Latin American countries, had very good training and combat experience. Despite the fact that in 1974, General Perón defied the United States by breaking the embargo against Cuba, Cuban guerrillas fought the Argentine Armed Forces during the Peronist government.
In the 70s in Argentina, armed groups appeared to destabilize the last government of General Perón who had arrived in his country at that time after a long exile (1955 Coup). After Perón's death in 1974, the Peronist government of Isabel Perón , carried out an anti-guerrilla operation in the jungle of Tucumán against the guerrillas and the US M1 helmet and the old Swiss M18 helmets were used here. The guerrilla groups had foreign fighters in their ranks, including Cubans and Algerians who, compared to other Latin American countries, had very good training and combat experience. Despite the fact that in 1974, General Perón defied the United States by breaking the embargo against Cuba, Cuban guerrillas fought the Argentine Armed Forces during the Peronist government.
1978. Chilean infantry and cavalry with US M1 helmets. The Beagle Canal crisis, was a border conflict between Argentina and Chile.
The governments of Chile and the Argentine Republic agreed in 1971 to request arbitration from the British Queen. But in 1977 the Civic Military Junta of Argentina rejected British arbitration because the United Kingdom was occupying the Falkland Islands since 1833. From this, both dictatorships were leading their countries into a conflict that was cooled by the mediation of the Vatican.
After Argentina's defeat at the hands of the British in 1982, the conflict between Argentina and Chile returned, but it was resolved with Argentina's renunciation of those territories since in 1984 was a popular consultation under the options "War or Peace" and the Argentine people voted for peace.
The governments of Chile and the Argentine Republic agreed in 1971 to request arbitration from the British Queen. But in 1977 the Civic Military Junta of Argentina rejected British arbitration because the United Kingdom was occupying the Falkland Islands since 1833. From this, both dictatorships were leading their countries into a conflict that was cooled by the mediation of the Vatican.
After Argentina's defeat at the hands of the British in 1982, the conflict between Argentina and Chile returned, but it was resolved with Argentina's renunciation of those territories since in 1984 was a popular consultation under the options "War or Peace" and the Argentine people voted for peace.
1979 - 1992. Salvador Civil War. The women from the FMLN (Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front) guerrilla force during the Salvadoran Civil War. The primary weapon visible is the M16 assault rifle (specifically M16A1 variants). The first woman on the left in the photo appears to be holding an M1 Garand rifle. The M16 was a ubiquitous weapon in the conflict, used by both the U.S.-backed Salvadoran military (FAES) and captured/supplied to the FMLN guerrillas.
It was a brutal, 12-year conflict lasting from October 15, 1979, to January 16, 1992, that pitted the U.S.-backed military-led government against the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), a coalition of left-wing guerrilla groups. The war, a major proxy conflict of the Cold War.
It was a brutal, 12-year conflict lasting from October 15, 1979, to January 16, 1992, that pitted the U.S.-backed military-led government against the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), a coalition of left-wing guerrilla groups. The war, a major proxy conflict of the Cold War.
1979. Managua, El Salvador. One of the Argentine guerrilla commanders wears US M1 helmet. They are commanders of Argentine urban guerrillas called "Montoneros" with FN FALs analyzing a map on the hood of an Argentine-made military truck captured by Sandinista forces. This 3/4 ton truck (Chevrolet C-10), was armed with the 70 mm Albatros multiple rocket launcher a 42 tubes (Katyusha) system and was used by the "Contras" forces. It was probably sent by the Military Junta of Argentina to the government of Anastasio Somoza who in 1980 would be assassinated by the Argentine guerrilla group ERP in Paraguay.
This same armed group called ERP had kidnapped Lieutenant Colonel Larrabure in 1974, who was a military engineer linked to the Condor II Missile Project. The Condor project was an Argentine development to provide the country with deterrent power, especially in the Patagonian territory where international interests were more visible. Although the project was military, it opened the door to space development for the launch into orbit of its own satellites. The project succumbed after the 1982 war, due to economic reasons and mainly due to pressure from the United States, which supervised the destruction of the missiles and their platforms. Post Mortem Colonel Larrabure had been kidnapped by this guerrilla group called ERP in 1974 during the government of Isabel Perón. It is assumed that he was exposed to torture and interrogation before his murder.
1982. Argentine troops march to surrender where they will have to hand over to the British military their vehicles, weapons and equipment, including their M1 type helmets.
1982. M1 helmets (WW2 and postwar US M1 and Argentine-made M1 NATO) from the surrendered Argentine troops after the Battle of Goose Green in 1982 ( South Atlantic War). After Argentina's defeat by the second power of the NATO bloc, the military government of General Bignone tried to make a geopolitical turn by moving closer to non-aligned countries. This radical geopolitical change was abandoned with the return of the democratic system , which allowed Argentina to attain the status of a non-NATO member in 1992.
After the Falklands War*, Argentina was imposed an arms embargo, so the country had to rely on its self-sufficiency.
But, in 1990, the Madrid agreements were carried out, where Argentina undertook to collaborate with the United Kingdom in the South Atlantic. Argentina withdrew its military bases in the Patagonian region and reported every movement of troops within the country to the United Kingdom. This is where the privatization of the areas responsible for the exploitation of strategic resources linked to the defense sector began .
Argentina was involved in a series of scandals such as the illegal sale of arms to Croatia and Ecuador. Ecuador was at war with Peru, a country that had helped Argentina during the Falklands War. The situation became more scandalous when the military factory involved in this arms trafficking was blown to pieces.
The armed forces began to be reduced to their historic minimum in order to preserve democracy and not return to a new war against the United Kingdom. Many defense developments that were in progress were abandoned, from the Condor II Missile to the first locally produced the Cabal, Kevlar helmet.
*After Argentina's return to democracy in 1983, the once-dominant armed forces were significantly diminished through a process involving civilian subordination, drastic budget cuts, and legal prosecution for human rights abuses committed during the military dictatorship (1976-1983). This effectively ended their previous political power and influence.
But, in 1990, the Madrid agreements were carried out, where Argentina undertook to collaborate with the United Kingdom in the South Atlantic. Argentina withdrew its military bases in the Patagonian region and reported every movement of troops within the country to the United Kingdom. This is where the privatization of the areas responsible for the exploitation of strategic resources linked to the defense sector began .
Argentina was involved in a series of scandals such as the illegal sale of arms to Croatia and Ecuador. Ecuador was at war with Peru, a country that had helped Argentina during the Falklands War. The situation became more scandalous when the military factory involved in this arms trafficking was blown to pieces.
The armed forces began to be reduced to their historic minimum in order to preserve democracy and not return to a new war against the United Kingdom. Many defense developments that were in progress were abandoned, from the Condor II Missile to the first locally produced the Cabal, Kevlar helmet.
*After Argentina's return to democracy in 1983, the once-dominant armed forces were significantly diminished through a process involving civilian subordination, drastic budget cuts, and legal prosecution for human rights abuses committed during the military dictatorship (1976-1983). This effectively ended their previous political power and influence.
The Condor II Project
The Condor II project was initiated by the Argentine Air Force after the 1982 Falklands War (Guerra de las Malvinas) to develop a domestic medium-range (800-1000 km) ballistic missile capability. The program was a joint venture, financed largely by Iraq and Egypt, with technology procured illegally from European companies. The project raised international nonproliferation concerns, especially as it was seen as potentially contributing to the ballistic missile capabilities of Saddam Hussein's Iraq.
Upon taking office, President Menem shifted Argentina's foreign policy towards an "automatic alignment" with the United States. Facing severe economic constraints and seeking to avoid American sanctions, Menem made the political decision to terminate the project in 1990, despite significant domestic opposition from the Argentine Air Force and some nationalists.
Ambassador Todman specifically requested that Argentina accelerate the logistical aspects of dismantling the project.*
The production plant at Falda del Carmen was shut down. Most of the completed components and prototypes were eventually handed over to the United States (via Spain) for destruction in the early 1990s, ensuring they could not be used for military purposes in the future. Argentina joined the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) in 1991, committing to nonproliferation efforts.
* In the early 1990s, Argentina was in a severe economic crisis and highly dependent on US financial aid and credits. President Menem's administration chose to terminate the Condor II project to avoid American sanctions, which would have crippled the economy further The government also decided the project was destabilizing and prioritized international integration.
The Condor II project was initiated by the Argentine Air Force after the 1982 Falklands War (Guerra de las Malvinas) to develop a domestic medium-range (800-1000 km) ballistic missile capability. The program was a joint venture, financed largely by Iraq and Egypt, with technology procured illegally from European companies. The project raised international nonproliferation concerns, especially as it was seen as potentially contributing to the ballistic missile capabilities of Saddam Hussein's Iraq.
Upon taking office, President Menem shifted Argentina's foreign policy towards an "automatic alignment" with the United States. Facing severe economic constraints and seeking to avoid American sanctions, Menem made the political decision to terminate the project in 1990, despite significant domestic opposition from the Argentine Air Force and some nationalists.
Ambassador Todman specifically requested that Argentina accelerate the logistical aspects of dismantling the project.*
The production plant at Falda del Carmen was shut down. Most of the completed components and prototypes were eventually handed over to the United States (via Spain) for destruction in the early 1990s, ensuring they could not be used for military purposes in the future. Argentina joined the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) in 1991, committing to nonproliferation efforts.
* In the early 1990s, Argentina was in a severe economic crisis and highly dependent on US financial aid and credits. President Menem's administration chose to terminate the Condor II project to avoid American sanctions, which would have crippled the economy further The government also decided the project was destabilizing and prioritized international integration.
Cuban Ssh68 Helmet
1982. Cuban soldiers with Ssh68 "Conehead" Soviet helmets operated the 130mm field gun M-46 in Ogaden West Africa against rebel guerrillas.
The Cuban troops in support of the Ethiopian Socialist State (Soviet allied) were fighting against the Somalian separatist guerrilla, (WSLF - Western Somalian Liberation Front ) in Ogaden West Somalia, occupied by the Ethiopians since World War II. It was probably easier for Castro to "bring the revolution" to Africa than to Latin America. Although he himself acknowledged that it was very difficult to fight the tribes of Ogaden and Tigris.
Well, that wasn't the case in West Somalia. The first weapons to fuel early anti-colonial struggles in the post-war period in Africa and Asia, were World War II weapons captured from the Axis and supplied by the satellites of the Soviet Union. During the Cold War, the weapons used in WW2 were supplied to rebel groups by both blocs. The reason was obvious, to avoid direct participation to avoid escalation. When those WW2 weapons were not enough and the Cold War was heating up, the modern weapons began to appear.
This rebel Somali guerrilla from the "Horn of Africa" on the photo was armed with WW2 era weapons to resist Ethiopian expansionism. In these photos the most visible is the Stg44, followed by a MAB 38 Beretta machine gun and a Moschetto Mod. 91/38.
This rebel Somali guerrilla from the "Horn of Africa" on the photo was armed with WW2 era weapons to resist Ethiopian expansionism. In these photos the most visible is the Stg44, followed by a MAB 38 Beretta machine gun and a Moschetto Mod. 91/38.
1982. Peru role during the South Atlantic War:
Peru was Argentina's most significant and active military ally in Latin America. Beyond public diplomatic support and mediation efforts, Peru provided critical, covert military assistance that violated the international arms embargo against Argentina.
Key Military Contributions
Mirage Aircraft: Peru secretly transferred 10 to 14 Mirage V fighter-bombers (specifically Mirage 5P models) to Argentina in June 1982. To maintain secrecy, the planes were painted with Argentine markings and flew a risky route from Arequipa, Peru, to Tandil, Argentina.
Advanced Weaponry: Peru supplied Exocet missiles and torpedoes to replenish Argentine stocks. Some reports suggest Peruvian Exocet missiles were used in the successful attack on the HMS Sheffield.
Logistics and Training: A Hercules C-130 transport plane delivered ammunition and spare parts to Argentina. Peru also sent technicians and specialists to train Argentine personnel on the Mirage aircraft, which were more advanced than Argentina's existing models.
Personnel: While Peru officially denied sending combatants, several sources indicate that Peruvian pilots were ready and willing to fly combat missions, though Argentina ultimately declined their direct participation in battle to avoid further international escalation.
Diplomatic and Historical Context
The Peruvian Peace Plan: President Fernando Belaúnde Terry initially led a major diplomatic effort to mediate a ceasefire between Buenos Aires and London. This plan was "torpedoed" after the British sinking of the cruiser ARA General Belgrano on May 2, 1982, after which Peru shifted toward direct military aid.
Shared History: Peru’s support was rooted in deep historical ties, as Argentine General José de San Martín had been a key figure in Peruvian independence.
Regional Rivalries: Part of Peru's motivation was a common concern over Chile, which was providing clandestine intelligence and logistical support to the United Kingdom during the conflict.
In 2023, the Argentine Air Force officially decorated several Peruvian pilots for their "unconditional support and professionalism" during the war.
In 1982, the President of Peru was Fernando Belaúnde Terry.
Peru was Argentina's most significant and active military ally in Latin America. Beyond public diplomatic support and mediation efforts, Peru provided critical, covert military assistance that violated the international arms embargo against Argentina.
Key Military Contributions
Mirage Aircraft: Peru secretly transferred 10 to 14 Mirage V fighter-bombers (specifically Mirage 5P models) to Argentina in June 1982. To maintain secrecy, the planes were painted with Argentine markings and flew a risky route from Arequipa, Peru, to Tandil, Argentina.
Advanced Weaponry: Peru supplied Exocet missiles and torpedoes to replenish Argentine stocks. Some reports suggest Peruvian Exocet missiles were used in the successful attack on the HMS Sheffield.
Logistics and Training: A Hercules C-130 transport plane delivered ammunition and spare parts to Argentina. Peru also sent technicians and specialists to train Argentine personnel on the Mirage aircraft, which were more advanced than Argentina's existing models.
Personnel: While Peru officially denied sending combatants, several sources indicate that Peruvian pilots were ready and willing to fly combat missions, though Argentina ultimately declined their direct participation in battle to avoid further international escalation.
Diplomatic and Historical Context
The Peruvian Peace Plan: President Fernando Belaúnde Terry initially led a major diplomatic effort to mediate a ceasefire between Buenos Aires and London. This plan was "torpedoed" after the British sinking of the cruiser ARA General Belgrano on May 2, 1982, after which Peru shifted toward direct military aid.
Shared History: Peru’s support was rooted in deep historical ties, as Argentine General José de San Martín had been a key figure in Peruvian independence.
Regional Rivalries: Part of Peru's motivation was a common concern over Chile, which was providing clandestine intelligence and logistical support to the United Kingdom during the conflict.
In 2023, the Argentine Air Force officially decorated several Peruvian pilots for their "unconditional support and professionalism" during the war.
In 1982, the President of Peru was Fernando Belaúnde Terry.
1982 The "Black Buck 6" Incident
During the Black Buck 6 mission (an anti-radar strike in the Falklands), the Vulcan bomber (XM597) suffered a broken in-flight refueling probe. Unable to return to its base on Ascension Island, the pilot, Squadron Leader Neil McDougall, was forced to divert to the nearest neutral territory: Brazil.
As the Vulcan entered Brazilian airspace without authorization, it was intercepted by two Brazilian Air Force F-5E Tiger II fighters (scrambled from Santa Cruz Airfield) and escorted to Galeão Air Base in Rio de Janeiro.
The aircraft landed with critically low fuel and an unfired AGM-45 Shrike missile still attached to its pylon. This caused a diplomatic crisis because the missile was American-made, revealing secret U.S. military support for Britain while the U.S. was officially neutral.
Brazil interned the aircraft and its crew for nine days. They were released on June 10 after a diplomatic deal was struck, which reportedly included the exchange of spare parts for Brazilian Westland Lynx helicopters. The Shrike missile, however, was confiscated by Brazil.
During the Black Buck 6 mission (an anti-radar strike in the Falklands), the Vulcan bomber (XM597) suffered a broken in-flight refueling probe. Unable to return to its base on Ascension Island, the pilot, Squadron Leader Neil McDougall, was forced to divert to the nearest neutral territory: Brazil.
As the Vulcan entered Brazilian airspace without authorization, it was intercepted by two Brazilian Air Force F-5E Tiger II fighters (scrambled from Santa Cruz Airfield) and escorted to Galeão Air Base in Rio de Janeiro.
The aircraft landed with critically low fuel and an unfired AGM-45 Shrike missile still attached to its pylon. This caused a diplomatic crisis because the missile was American-made, revealing secret U.S. military support for Britain while the U.S. was officially neutral.
Brazil interned the aircraft and its crew for nine days. They were released on June 10 after a diplomatic deal was struck, which reportedly included the exchange of spare parts for Brazilian Westland Lynx helicopters. The Shrike missile, however, was confiscated by Brazil.
1982 Operation Plum Duff
On the night of May 17–18, 1982, a Royal Navy Sea King HC.4 (registered as ZA290) carrying an eight-man SAS team and a three-man crew took off from HMS Invincible for a secret mission called Operation Plum Duff.
The Mission: The goal was to infiltrate Tierra del Fuego, Argentina, to reconnoiter the Río Grande air base, which housed the Argentine Super Étendard jets and their deadly Exocet missiles
Heavy fog and the discovery of their presence by Argentine radar forced the team to abort the landing in Argentina.
With fuel running dangerously low, the pilot, Lt. Cdr. Richard Hutchings, crossed the border and landed the helicopter on a beach near Punta Arenas, Chile.
Destruction of the Aircraft: To protect the secrecy of the mission and hide evidence of British presence on the mainland, the crew poured fuel inside and burned the helicopter themselves after dropping off the SAS team.
Chilean Response: Although Chile officially "protested" the violation of its territory to maintain a veneer of neutrality, they secretly cooperated with Britain. The Chilean military discovered the crew, "arrested" them, and then quickly repatriated them to the UK via a commercial flight.
On the night of May 17–18, 1982, a Royal Navy Sea King HC.4 (registered as ZA290) carrying an eight-man SAS team and a three-man crew took off from HMS Invincible for a secret mission called Operation Plum Duff.
The Mission: The goal was to infiltrate Tierra del Fuego, Argentina, to reconnoiter the Río Grande air base, which housed the Argentine Super Étendard jets and their deadly Exocet missiles
Heavy fog and the discovery of their presence by Argentine radar forced the team to abort the landing in Argentina.
With fuel running dangerously low, the pilot, Lt. Cdr. Richard Hutchings, crossed the border and landed the helicopter on a beach near Punta Arenas, Chile.
Destruction of the Aircraft: To protect the secrecy of the mission and hide evidence of British presence on the mainland, the crew poured fuel inside and burned the helicopter themselves after dropping off the SAS team.
Chilean Response: Although Chile officially "protested" the violation of its territory to maintain a veneer of neutrality, they secretly cooperated with Britain. The Chilean military discovered the crew, "arrested" them, and then quickly repatriated them to the UK via a commercial flight.
1982 somewhere in the South Atlantic
In 1982, the Argentine Air Force took the unusual step of converting a C-130 Hercules transport plane (tail number TC-68) into a makeshift "bomber" to interdict British supply lines far from the islands.
Attack on the Tanker British Wye
On May 29, 1982, TC-68 intercepted the British tanker British Wye north of South Georgia.
The crew rolled eight 500-lb bombs out of the cargo ramp using a modified pallet system.
One bomb bounced off the ship's deck and fell into the sea, while others missed entirely. The British Wye sustained minor damage but was able to continue its journey.
The "Sinking" of the Tanker Hercules
The most famous incident involving an Argentine Hercules attack was the strike on the VLCC Hercules, a 220,000-ton Liberian-registered supertanker, on June 8, 1982.
Argentina suspected the tanker was supplying the British Task Force.
The Hercules was hit by several 500-lb bombs, one of which lodged in its hull below the waterline without detonating.
The ship reached Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, but because the unexploded bomb was too dangerous to defuse, the vessel was towed 290 miles out to sea and scuttled (sunk) on July 20, 1982.
While the Hercules attacks were not "economic warfare" in the sense of targeting a nation's financial systems, they were a desperate form of attrition warfare and logistics interdiction designed to cripple the British Task Force's long-range supply lines.
In 1982, the Argentine Air Force took the unusual step of converting a C-130 Hercules transport plane (tail number TC-68) into a makeshift "bomber" to interdict British supply lines far from the islands.
Attack on the Tanker British Wye
On May 29, 1982, TC-68 intercepted the British tanker British Wye north of South Georgia.
The crew rolled eight 500-lb bombs out of the cargo ramp using a modified pallet system.
One bomb bounced off the ship's deck and fell into the sea, while others missed entirely. The British Wye sustained minor damage but was able to continue its journey.
The "Sinking" of the Tanker Hercules
The most famous incident involving an Argentine Hercules attack was the strike on the VLCC Hercules, a 220,000-ton Liberian-registered supertanker, on June 8, 1982.
Argentina suspected the tanker was supplying the British Task Force.
The Hercules was hit by several 500-lb bombs, one of which lodged in its hull below the waterline without detonating.
The ship reached Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, but because the unexploded bomb was too dangerous to defuse, the vessel was towed 290 miles out to sea and scuttled (sunk) on July 20, 1982.
While the Hercules attacks were not "economic warfare" in the sense of targeting a nation's financial systems, they were a desperate form of attrition warfare and logistics interdiction designed to cripple the British Task Force's long-range supply lines.
.1982. The Brazilian EE-T1 "Osorio" MBT. It was a prototype developed by the Brazilian company Engesa in the '80s for export. The main stakeholders were Algeria, Iraq, Libya , and Saudi Arabia. It was the latter with whom they came closest to reaching an agreement. Engesa had invested a lot of money in the project, so it hoped that the product would be accepted. However, the project succumbed to the withdrawal of the purchase order from Saudi Arabia, a traditional buyer of arms from the United States. The tank was scary, it was a powerful 43-ton mass of iron with a speed of 43 mph. The defect could be the origin of the 105mm main armament of British origin.
Among other achievements of the Brazilian national industry are the "Tucan" and "Super Tucan" aircraft, the armored "Cascabel", Guaraní 8x8, MAB-4x4. multipurpose rocket systems capable of launching ballistic projects and missiles. "EAGLE" air defense systems based on missiles, designed to protect strategic areas, among many others.
Unlike the rest of the continent, Brazil, together with Chile, is a country that has been experiencing continuous growth and social stability for decades. Brazil is currently the only world power in Latin America on the way to becoming a superpower.
Generals of the Brazilian Dictatorship (Brazil): A succession of military generals ruled Brazil from 1964 to 1985 after a U.S.-backed coup. Their regime suppressed dissent and promoted economic growth through industrialization projects.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Argentina also had a project in the 70s of a 40-ton MBT with a main barrel of 105mm within the framework of the manufacture and development of the TAM (Argentine Medium Tank) family of tanks. The project was affected by the consequences of the South Atlantic War in 1982. In the post-war period, as a result of military cuts, only half of 400 medium tanks, including ammunition and winch recovery tanks, were manufactured. On the chassis of what would have been the heavy tank. A Palmaria turret with a 155mm howitzer was adapted.
Among other achievements of the Brazilian national industry are the "Tucan" and "Super Tucan" aircraft, the armored "Cascabel", Guaraní 8x8, MAB-4x4. multipurpose rocket systems capable of launching ballistic projects and missiles. "EAGLE" air defense systems based on missiles, designed to protect strategic areas, among many others.
Unlike the rest of the continent, Brazil, together with Chile, is a country that has been experiencing continuous growth and social stability for decades. Brazil is currently the only world power in Latin America on the way to becoming a superpower.
Generals of the Brazilian Dictatorship (Brazil): A succession of military generals ruled Brazil from 1964 to 1985 after a U.S.-backed coup. Their regime suppressed dissent and promoted economic growth through industrialization projects.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Argentina also had a project in the 70s of a 40-ton MBT with a main barrel of 105mm within the framework of the manufacture and development of the TAM (Argentine Medium Tank) family of tanks. The project was affected by the consequences of the South Atlantic War in 1982. In the post-war period, as a result of military cuts, only half of 400 medium tanks, including ammunition and winch recovery tanks, were manufactured. On the chassis of what would have been the heavy tank. A Palmaria turret with a 155mm howitzer was adapted.
Panamanian M1 Helmet
1980s. These fiber helmets are very similar to the lightweight helmets of the military police and aeronautical police of Argentine industry.
General Noriega had been a CIA agent for years. He was a tool of Washington in combating leftist movements during the Cold War. Noriega would be imprisoned in the United States after the 1989 invasion, on charges of drug trafficking. Noriega belonged to the Democratic Revolutionary Party founded by the Brigadier General Omar Torrijo who nationalized the Panama Canal in 1977.
The Torrijos-Carter Treaties established the transfer of control of the canal from the United States to Panama in 1977. This transition was completed on 31 December 1999. Torrijos is remembered for his role in this historic decision, which marked a milestone in Panamanian sovereignty. He died in 1981 in a plane crash.
General Noriega had been a CIA agent for years. He was a tool of Washington in combating leftist movements during the Cold War. Noriega would be imprisoned in the United States after the 1989 invasion, on charges of drug trafficking. Noriega belonged to the Democratic Revolutionary Party founded by the Brigadier General Omar Torrijo who nationalized the Panama Canal in 1977.
The Torrijos-Carter Treaties established the transfer of control of the canal from the United States to Panama in 1977. This transition was completed on 31 December 1999. Torrijos is remembered for his role in this historic decision, which marked a milestone in Panamanian sovereignty. He died in 1981 in a plane crash.
This country used the US M1 helmet for decades.
1983. US invasion of Grenade. A US marine taking prisoners two Cuban soldiers who still have the Soviet Ssh68 "Conehead" helmet on their heads. Press photo.
Image from the 1986 film "Heartbreak Ridge" with Clint Eastwood. The film recreates a confrontation between the U.S. Marines and Cuban troops in Grenada. The helmets of the extras who play Cubans are quite rare, probably the "aggressor" type used for training. The film was made a few years before the fall of the Berlin Wall, after which the Soviet and Warsaw Pact helmets, including those from Bulgaria and the Czech Republic ( used by Cuba), would flood the market with militaria.
Another period film was Red Scorpion from 1988, inspired by Cuban participation in Africa.
Another period film was Red Scorpion from 1988, inspired by Cuban participation in Africa.
Nicaraguan Soviet Helmets
1986. SPA Soviet BM-21 "Grad" multiple launch rocket system (MLRS) The BM-21 consists of a Ural-375D 6x6 truck chassis fitted with 40 launch tubes for 122 mm unguided rockets. The troops on top of the vehicle appear to be wearing Soviet helmets and AK or AKM rifles. Before the Sandinista revolution, this country had mainly used US M1 helmets.
Together with Cuba, this country is one of the last vestiges that still remain in the world of the allies of the Soviet Union. Currently its territory concentrates the strategic importance for China of an interoceanic canal in the event of an eventual closure of the Panama Canal. However, Nicaragua has given up on the project, citing environmental concerns. An interoceanic canal alternative to Panama could significantly alter trade routes and economic interests in the region, potentially leading to a more active U.S. response.
Together with Cuba, this country is one of the last vestiges that still remain in the world of the allies of the Soviet Union. Currently its territory concentrates the strategic importance for China of an interoceanic canal in the event of an eventual closure of the Panama Canal. However, Nicaragua has given up on the project, citing environmental concerns. An interoceanic canal alternative to Panama could significantly alter trade routes and economic interests in the region, potentially leading to a more active U.S. response.
1985. Colonel Seineldin , a veteran of the South Atlantic War, training the Panamanian Army of General Manuel Noriega. In the photo, he is holding a snake in his hand, probably during a survival class. This military leader protested against the 1976 coup in his country and against the U.S. invasion of Panama. His military career would end in prison after a series of military rebellions (below) against Globalization and Neoliberalism in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The colonel wears the typical Argentine commando beret with Chinese-designed BDU woodland.
1987/90. The Military rebellions in Argentina originated directly in the dismantling of the Argentine Armed Forces that followed the 1982 South Atlantic war against the United Kingdom. Most of these rebel soldiers were war veterans.
The rebel leaders denounced that democratic governments were planning large-scale privatizations, including sensitive and strategic areas linked to the country's defense.The rebellions was put down by the military loyal to the democratic governments and the rebels paid with degradation and jail.
"Carapintadas" rebellions. The term "Carapintada" means painted face, alluding to the facial camouflahe used by the military. In this country, derogatory adjectives are very common, such as "Kids of the War" to conscripted soldiers, but not to young guerrillas who are nicknamed "Young Idealists".
During the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989-1999) in Argentina, an extensive program of privatizations of companies and public services was carried out as part of the economic reforms promoted by the Washington Consensus.
Some of the main national companies that were privatized were:
Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales (YPF): The iconic state-owned energy company was transformed into a private corporation (YPF SA) and sold, although years later, a majority of its shares were recovered by the Argentine State.
Aerolíneas Argentinas: The flag carrier was one of the first companies to be privatized, although its subsequent management was problematic and it was finally renationalized in 2008.
National Telecommunications Company (ENTel): The telephone company was divided and privatized, giving rise to the private operators Telecom and Telefónica.
Electricity services: The companies responsible for the generation, transport and distribution of electricity in the Buenos Aires metropolitan area (formerly SEGBA) were privatized, giving rise to companies such as Edesur and Edenor, among others.
State Gas: Similar to the electricity sector, natural gas services were privatized, creating several companies for their distribution and transport at a regional level.
National Waterworks (OSN): The company in charge of the drinking water and sanitation service was granted to private hands.
Argentine Railways: The passenger and freight rail system was dismantled and handed over to private companies, resulting in the disruption of many services and massive job losses.
Television and Radio Channels: Several television channels (such as Channel 13 and Channel 11) and radio stations that were state-owned were privatized.
Ports and Airports: The management of several ports and airports (through Aeropuertos Argentina 2000) passed into private hands.
National Savings and Insurance Bank: This state-owned financial institution was also privatized.
Puerto Madero Corporation: A company was created for the remodeling of the port area of Buenos Aires, with the participation of private capital.
This privatization process initially generated significant revenue for the State, but it also had significant social consequences, such as the loss of numerous jobs and crises in regional economies that depended on these companies.
The rebel leaders denounced that democratic governments were planning large-scale privatizations, including sensitive and strategic areas linked to the country's defense.The rebellions was put down by the military loyal to the democratic governments and the rebels paid with degradation and jail.
"Carapintadas" rebellions. The term "Carapintada" means painted face, alluding to the facial camouflahe used by the military. In this country, derogatory adjectives are very common, such as "Kids of the War" to conscripted soldiers, but not to young guerrillas who are nicknamed "Young Idealists".
During the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989-1999) in Argentina, an extensive program of privatizations of companies and public services was carried out as part of the economic reforms promoted by the Washington Consensus.
Some of the main national companies that were privatized were:
Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales (YPF): The iconic state-owned energy company was transformed into a private corporation (YPF SA) and sold, although years later, a majority of its shares were recovered by the Argentine State.
Aerolíneas Argentinas: The flag carrier was one of the first companies to be privatized, although its subsequent management was problematic and it was finally renationalized in 2008.
National Telecommunications Company (ENTel): The telephone company was divided and privatized, giving rise to the private operators Telecom and Telefónica.
Electricity services: The companies responsible for the generation, transport and distribution of electricity in the Buenos Aires metropolitan area (formerly SEGBA) were privatized, giving rise to companies such as Edesur and Edenor, among others.
State Gas: Similar to the electricity sector, natural gas services were privatized, creating several companies for their distribution and transport at a regional level.
National Waterworks (OSN): The company in charge of the drinking water and sanitation service was granted to private hands.
Argentine Railways: The passenger and freight rail system was dismantled and handed over to private companies, resulting in the disruption of many services and massive job losses.
Television and Radio Channels: Several television channels (such as Channel 13 and Channel 11) and radio stations that were state-owned were privatized.
Ports and Airports: The management of several ports and airports (through Aeropuertos Argentina 2000) passed into private hands.
National Savings and Insurance Bank: This state-owned financial institution was also privatized.
Puerto Madero Corporation: A company was created for the remodeling of the port area of Buenos Aires, with the participation of private capital.
This privatization process initially generated significant revenue for the State, but it also had significant social consequences, such as the loss of numerous jobs and crises in regional economies that depended on these companies.
1989: The PASGT Kevlar helmet in the US invasion of Panama. The Kevlar helmet was tested by the United States in Vietnam and officially used for the first time in the invasion of Grenada in 1983. In Grenada, American troops used Kevlar along with M1 steel helmets. After the invasion of Panama, Latin American countries began to replace the US M1 helmets with these Kevlar helmets, although this did not mean the total retirement of the US M1 " steel pots ."
Paraguayan M1 Helmet
1986. Paraguayan US M1 type helmets. From this country it is more common to see photos of the US M1 liner in service in both the army and security forces, probably because of the climate of this region. The strong man of this country was General Alfredo Stroessner who governed from 1954 to 1989, leaving his country in the same poverty with which he found it.
Stroessner ruled for the longest continuous period of any South American Cold War dictator (1954–1989), maintaining power through systematic repression and serving as a reliable U.S. anti-communist ally and a key Operation Condor participant.
Stroessner ruled for the longest continuous period of any South American Cold War dictator (1954–1989), maintaining power through systematic repression and serving as a reliable U.S. anti-communist ally and a key Operation Condor participant.
Indigenismo
1994. Indigenist movements gained significant momentum and visibility internationally and in Latin America throughout the
early to mid-1990s. One high-profile was in Chiapas where native peoples live in extreme poverty, inhabiting regions rich in hydrocarbons, gas and oil. The individual behind the mask, whose real name is widely reported to be Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente, is a non-indigenous, highly educated former university professor from Northern Mexico.
The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) emphasize that while Marcos was the spokesperson and a military strategist, the true leadership and decision-making power of the movement always rested with the indigenous communities themselves (through consensus in their assemblies)
early to mid-1990s. One high-profile was in Chiapas where native peoples live in extreme poverty, inhabiting regions rich in hydrocarbons, gas and oil. The individual behind the mask, whose real name is widely reported to be Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente, is a non-indigenous, highly educated former university professor from Northern Mexico.
The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) emphasize that while Marcos was the spokesperson and a military strategist, the true leadership and decision-making power of the movement always rested with the indigenous communities themselves (through consensus in their assemblies)
Bolivian M1 Helmet
2006. Bolivian military with US M1 helmets. Photo: GettyImages.
2006. London UK. In the photo are Margaret and Augusto Pinochet, who was exiled in London. Pinochet made an important contribution to the British victory in the South Atlantic through intelligence. Chile and London have had strategic relations based on mutual interests. This same kind of relationship existed between Argentina and the British Empire until the nationalist coup of the GOU in 1943 (Farrell, Perón), since the political class linked to the upper class wanted to belong to the Commonwealth while still identifying with conservative nationalism. It is no coincidence that the nationalists of the GOU exalted Hispanism.
In parallel and on the same timeline, the relationship between Chile and England was comparable to that between the Argentine civic-military junta and the United States. The United Kingdom and the United States have been and are geopolitical allies ; however, their interests have sometimes clashed in Latin America, as was the case with the U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983, where Thatcher confronted Reagan by reminding him that although the communist government of Grenada is not to her liking, this country belongs to the British Commonwealth. A year earlier, in the South Atlantic War, the Argentine military junta, an ally of Washington, went to war with the United Kingdom and found Reagan in the same situation as her. In Argentina, U.S. interests have clashed with those of the United Kingdom. Despite this, Reagan had to fulfill his obligations as NATO leader and supply England with satellites, bases, supplies, and missiles (FIM-92 Stinger), while the Soviets watched the fight from their submarines. For the communist bloc, the 1982 war was nothing but a war between capitalist and bourgeois countries. However, during the war, Argentina received Soviet 9K32 Strela-2M missile systems, probably from Peru, a country that was always on Argentina's side , or perhaps from Muammar Gaddafi's Libya, something that right-wing politicians would never have wanted to imagine. These systems were captured intact and in their containers by the British after the Argentine surrender.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Fidel Castro's (Marxist-Leninist and Cuban nationalist), policies involved nationalization of industry and business, land reforms, and the establishment of a one-party socialist state in direct defiance of U.S. hegemony in the Western Hemisphere.
..........................................................
Augusto Pinochet was a right-wing, anti-communist military dictator who governed Chile from 1973 to 1990. He was a staunch ally with the United States (Against communism) and United Kingdom (Against Argentina). Pinochet's alignment with the anti-communist side and its later, separate support for the UK during the Falklands War, which ironically put it in tacit cooperation with the anti-MPLA coalition.
Pinochet and his secret service became famous for "Operation Condor".The primary dictatorships that formally participated in Operation Condor were Jorge Rafael Videla (Argentina)*, Alfredo Stroessner (Paraguay), Juan María Bordaberry (Uruguay), Hugo Banzer (Bolivia).
(*Paradoxically, in 1978, Pinochet almost went to war against one of them).
Pinochet implemented sweeping neoliberal economic reforms (privatization, deregulation, trade liberalization) that are often credited with Chile's significant long-term economic dynamism. Supporters argue he saved the country from the economic chaos (hyperinflation and shortages) of Salvador Allende's socialist government and ensured stability.
...........................................................
Margaret Thatcher admired Pinochet's neoliberal economic reforms, and of course its anti-communism and collaboration in the South Atlantic. During her time as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1979 to 1990, Margaret Thatcher adopted a foreign policy that often involved aligning with authoritarian regimes. This support was primarily motivated by geopolitical considerations, economic interests, and the Cold War context. While she opposed the Argentine military junta in the context of the Falklands War, the UK’s subsequent diplomatic relations showed a pragmatic approach to engaging authoritarian regimes for political stability and economic interests. Thatcher’s policies in Northern Ireland were characterized by a hardline approach.
----------------------------------------------
Jorge Rafael Videla belonged to a different political lineage—that of Argentine Neo-liberalism and conservatism (in the historical, economic sense). His regime was explicitly aligned with international free-market capitalism, Western powers (U.S./IMF), and anti-communist* security doctrines developed in the U.S. and implemented across the continent.
*It is a documented, though often overlooked and debated, point in history that a faction within the Communist Party of Argentina (PCA) initially took an ambivalent or even "light critique" stance toward the 1976 military coup, referring to certain military figures, including General Videla, as part of a "democratic" wing of the armed forces. The reason for the communist support for the 1976 coup d'état was none other than communism's traditional opposition to its ideological rival (Peronism).
-----------------------------------------------
Leopoldo Galtieri was a right-wing military dictator who was fiercely anti-communist and aligned with U.S. interests during the Cold War. Castro and Pinochet represent the two most influential ideological poles of the Cold War in Latin America, while Videla was he was responsible for the overthrow of the last Peronist government led by Perón's widow.. Galtieri was significant as part of the Argentine junta but less individually impactful than the others on a hemispheric scale.
The move toward the Non-Aligned Movement had been initiated by the ousted President Leopoldo Galtieri during the height of the conflict with Britain, largely as a response to U.S. and European support for the UK. Galtieri saw an opportunity to align with the Cuba-led nonaligned group to gain international support against the UK.
------------------------------------------------
Ronald Reagan and Argentine President General Leopoldo Galtieri was complex, evolving from a period of warming relations based on shared anti-communist goals to a diplomatic crisis during the 1982 Falklands War, where Reagan ultimately sided with the United Kingdom. The conflict between Argentina and the United Kingdom over these islands has roots that extend back to colonial times.
The Falklands War of 1982 was the most significant military conflict between Argentina and the UK (NATO). Argentina sought to reclaim the islands, which they perceived as part of their sovereign territory that had been taken by a colonial power. The war, while ultimately resulting in a British victory, was framed by Argentina as a struggle against colonialism.
------------------------------------------------
Leonid Brezhnev (The Soviet leader during the Falklands War: The Soviet Union did not have a direct role in the Falklands War but was involved in a significant intelligence-gathering capacity, providing satellite reconnaissance data to Argentina and monitoring the British task force*. The USSR's involvement was a classic Cold War dynamic, despite ideological differences with Argentina's Military juntas.
(Soviet submarine (B-73, a Project AB611 "Zulu V" class diesel boat) was confirmed to have been near the Falkland Islands
during the war. It was part of a broader Soviet intelligence-gathering operation in the South Atlantic).
Diplomatic: The Soviet Union abstained (not veto), from UN Security Council Resolution 502, which called for an immediate Argentine withdrawal from the islands. This was seen as a gesture of support for Argentina, with whom the USSR had developed close commercial ties, particularly regarding grain exports.
Military: The Soviets did offer military aid, including the potential supply of arms and aircraft through third parties (like Libya or Peru), but the Argentine military junta largely declined the offers, likely due to a high political price (such as withdrawing military advisors from Central America) and a desire not to fully alienate the United States, their traditional ally.
Communist Party: Like the Bolivian Communist Party during Che Guevara's guerrilla struggle in Bolivia. The Argentine Communist Party received direct orders from Moscow. For them, the South Atlantic War was nothing more than a confrontation between two capitalist countries. As for the progressive left and the traditional parties, the military defeat was only a democratic opportunity. The guerrilla exiles who had previously advocated a Havana-style "revolution" would return from Europe as "democrats."
-----------------------------------------------
General Reynaldo Bignone (1928-2018), was an Argentine general and the last de facto President of Argentina during the country's final military dictatorship (the "National Reorganization Process")*. He ruled from July 1, 1982, to December 10, 1983, overseeing the transition back to democracy after the military's defeat in the Falklands (Malvinas) War and a deep economic crisis. He had the possibility of changing the geopolitical course of his country after the conclusions of half a century of institutional history include the 1982 War with a NATO power. Instead, he sought to steer Argentina back towards its traditional "Western" alignment and restore normal relations with the United States.
Bignone was the transition between the neo-liberal dictatorship to the neo-liberal and progressive democracy, aligned (despite the speeches) with the consensus of Washington.
(*The reason for this "Reorganization" from the point of view of the coup mentors was to "restore the institutional order", which followed the coup of 1955. When Perón, after his long exile, returned to the country to assume his third presidency, extremist groups linked to the left went into armed struggle, destabilizing his government. After his death, his widow assumed the presidency and a neo-liberal civic-military coup d'état took place called the "National Re-Organization Process" alluding to the chaos that extremist groups and the weakened last Peronist government had caused).
-------------------------------------------------------------
Juan Perón. Note that official historiography cites Salvador Allende as the example of the Latin American democratic socialist icon during the 20th century. In the same way, it positions Pinochet as the neoliberal icon of Latin American dictatorships, leaving Castro as the icon of socialist totalitarianism. Official historiography also recognizes him as the most relevant Latin American head of state during the 20th century and up to the present day.
However, historiography tends to render Perón invisible, just as paradoxically the same governments of the same movement he created have done. Perón was a much more relevant democratic leader if we consider that Allende only governed for three years. Perón is an uncomfortable character for the historical complex of the Americas, since this democratic leader with a military profession was not a dictator, nor was he a neo - liberal or socialist . The problems with Perón are in recognizing that democracy can also be a dictatorship if it becomes populist, and that in terms of alignment, Perón was not aligned with any geopolitical power since his movement and doctrine were Third Position.
---------------------------------------------------------------
In Argentina, democracy from 1983 to the present , beyond party speeches, has been the continuation of the economic measures that were imposed in the country after the coup of March '76, and perhaps a little earlier in 1975.
Politics has been abandoning the old confrontations of the past, especially the so-called "anti-Peronism, " since in the transversality and fluidity, Peronists and radicals march separately in both tendencies of the two-party system, moving away from strict party adherence*. The right is neoliberal, and the left is progressive. Each government is aligned with Republicans or Democrats in the White House.
(*Like a chameleon changes its color to blend in, a political chameleon adjusts their views to fit the prevailing sentiment of a group or situation.)
Since the return to democracy in 1983, Argentina has had ten (10) presidents. During the same period, it has entered into approximately seventeen (17) IMF loan arrangements or programs*, as part of a long history of engagement with the fund
*Since joining the institution in 1956, Argentina has agreed to a total of 23 loan programs or arrangements with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The communists and left-wing micro-parties are still a minority, but they have managed to occupy positions by allying themselves with progressivism. After the fall of the USSR, the local communist party has embraced the Malvinas cause of national sovereignty. By advocating for Argentina's claim over the Malvinas, the Communist Party signals a strong commitment to national sovereignty. This stance resonates with nationalist sentiment among many Argentine citizens.
In parallel and on the same timeline, the relationship between Chile and England was comparable to that between the Argentine civic-military junta and the United States. The United Kingdom and the United States have been and are geopolitical allies ; however, their interests have sometimes clashed in Latin America, as was the case with the U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983, where Thatcher confronted Reagan by reminding him that although the communist government of Grenada is not to her liking, this country belongs to the British Commonwealth. A year earlier, in the South Atlantic War, the Argentine military junta, an ally of Washington, went to war with the United Kingdom and found Reagan in the same situation as her. In Argentina, U.S. interests have clashed with those of the United Kingdom. Despite this, Reagan had to fulfill his obligations as NATO leader and supply England with satellites, bases, supplies, and missiles (FIM-92 Stinger), while the Soviets watched the fight from their submarines. For the communist bloc, the 1982 war was nothing but a war between capitalist and bourgeois countries. However, during the war, Argentina received Soviet 9K32 Strela-2M missile systems, probably from Peru, a country that was always on Argentina's side , or perhaps from Muammar Gaddafi's Libya, something that right-wing politicians would never have wanted to imagine. These systems were captured intact and in their containers by the British after the Argentine surrender.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Fidel Castro's (Marxist-Leninist and Cuban nationalist), policies involved nationalization of industry and business, land reforms, and the establishment of a one-party socialist state in direct defiance of U.S. hegemony in the Western Hemisphere.
..........................................................
Augusto Pinochet was a right-wing, anti-communist military dictator who governed Chile from 1973 to 1990. He was a staunch ally with the United States (Against communism) and United Kingdom (Against Argentina). Pinochet's alignment with the anti-communist side and its later, separate support for the UK during the Falklands War, which ironically put it in tacit cooperation with the anti-MPLA coalition.
Pinochet and his secret service became famous for "Operation Condor".The primary dictatorships that formally participated in Operation Condor were Jorge Rafael Videla (Argentina)*, Alfredo Stroessner (Paraguay), Juan María Bordaberry (Uruguay), Hugo Banzer (Bolivia).
(*Paradoxically, in 1978, Pinochet almost went to war against one of them).
Pinochet implemented sweeping neoliberal economic reforms (privatization, deregulation, trade liberalization) that are often credited with Chile's significant long-term economic dynamism. Supporters argue he saved the country from the economic chaos (hyperinflation and shortages) of Salvador Allende's socialist government and ensured stability.
...........................................................
Margaret Thatcher admired Pinochet's neoliberal economic reforms, and of course its anti-communism and collaboration in the South Atlantic. During her time as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1979 to 1990, Margaret Thatcher adopted a foreign policy that often involved aligning with authoritarian regimes. This support was primarily motivated by geopolitical considerations, economic interests, and the Cold War context. While she opposed the Argentine military junta in the context of the Falklands War, the UK’s subsequent diplomatic relations showed a pragmatic approach to engaging authoritarian regimes for political stability and economic interests. Thatcher’s policies in Northern Ireland were characterized by a hardline approach.
----------------------------------------------
Jorge Rafael Videla belonged to a different political lineage—that of Argentine Neo-liberalism and conservatism (in the historical, economic sense). His regime was explicitly aligned with international free-market capitalism, Western powers (U.S./IMF), and anti-communist* security doctrines developed in the U.S. and implemented across the continent.
*It is a documented, though often overlooked and debated, point in history that a faction within the Communist Party of Argentina (PCA) initially took an ambivalent or even "light critique" stance toward the 1976 military coup, referring to certain military figures, including General Videla, as part of a "democratic" wing of the armed forces. The reason for the communist support for the 1976 coup d'état was none other than communism's traditional opposition to its ideological rival (Peronism).
-----------------------------------------------
Leopoldo Galtieri was a right-wing military dictator who was fiercely anti-communist and aligned with U.S. interests during the Cold War. Castro and Pinochet represent the two most influential ideological poles of the Cold War in Latin America, while Videla was he was responsible for the overthrow of the last Peronist government led by Perón's widow.. Galtieri was significant as part of the Argentine junta but less individually impactful than the others on a hemispheric scale.
The move toward the Non-Aligned Movement had been initiated by the ousted President Leopoldo Galtieri during the height of the conflict with Britain, largely as a response to U.S. and European support for the UK. Galtieri saw an opportunity to align with the Cuba-led nonaligned group to gain international support against the UK.
------------------------------------------------
Ronald Reagan and Argentine President General Leopoldo Galtieri was complex, evolving from a period of warming relations based on shared anti-communist goals to a diplomatic crisis during the 1982 Falklands War, where Reagan ultimately sided with the United Kingdom. The conflict between Argentina and the United Kingdom over these islands has roots that extend back to colonial times.
The Falklands War of 1982 was the most significant military conflict between Argentina and the UK (NATO). Argentina sought to reclaim the islands, which they perceived as part of their sovereign territory that had been taken by a colonial power. The war, while ultimately resulting in a British victory, was framed by Argentina as a struggle against colonialism.
------------------------------------------------
Leonid Brezhnev (The Soviet leader during the Falklands War: The Soviet Union did not have a direct role in the Falklands War but was involved in a significant intelligence-gathering capacity, providing satellite reconnaissance data to Argentina and monitoring the British task force*. The USSR's involvement was a classic Cold War dynamic, despite ideological differences with Argentina's Military juntas.
(Soviet submarine (B-73, a Project AB611 "Zulu V" class diesel boat) was confirmed to have been near the Falkland Islands
during the war. It was part of a broader Soviet intelligence-gathering operation in the South Atlantic).
Diplomatic: The Soviet Union abstained (not veto), from UN Security Council Resolution 502, which called for an immediate Argentine withdrawal from the islands. This was seen as a gesture of support for Argentina, with whom the USSR had developed close commercial ties, particularly regarding grain exports.
Military: The Soviets did offer military aid, including the potential supply of arms and aircraft through third parties (like Libya or Peru), but the Argentine military junta largely declined the offers, likely due to a high political price (such as withdrawing military advisors from Central America) and a desire not to fully alienate the United States, their traditional ally.
Communist Party: Like the Bolivian Communist Party during Che Guevara's guerrilla struggle in Bolivia. The Argentine Communist Party received direct orders from Moscow. For them, the South Atlantic War was nothing more than a confrontation between two capitalist countries. As for the progressive left and the traditional parties, the military defeat was only a democratic opportunity. The guerrilla exiles who had previously advocated a Havana-style "revolution" would return from Europe as "democrats."
-----------------------------------------------
General Reynaldo Bignone (1928-2018), was an Argentine general and the last de facto President of Argentina during the country's final military dictatorship (the "National Reorganization Process")*. He ruled from July 1, 1982, to December 10, 1983, overseeing the transition back to democracy after the military's defeat in the Falklands (Malvinas) War and a deep economic crisis. He had the possibility of changing the geopolitical course of his country after the conclusions of half a century of institutional history include the 1982 War with a NATO power. Instead, he sought to steer Argentina back towards its traditional "Western" alignment and restore normal relations with the United States.
Bignone was the transition between the neo-liberal dictatorship to the neo-liberal and progressive democracy, aligned (despite the speeches) with the consensus of Washington.
(*The reason for this "Reorganization" from the point of view of the coup mentors was to "restore the institutional order", which followed the coup of 1955. When Perón, after his long exile, returned to the country to assume his third presidency, extremist groups linked to the left went into armed struggle, destabilizing his government. After his death, his widow assumed the presidency and a neo-liberal civic-military coup d'état took place called the "National Re-Organization Process" alluding to the chaos that extremist groups and the weakened last Peronist government had caused).
-------------------------------------------------------------
Juan Perón. Note that official historiography cites Salvador Allende as the example of the Latin American democratic socialist icon during the 20th century. In the same way, it positions Pinochet as the neoliberal icon of Latin American dictatorships, leaving Castro as the icon of socialist totalitarianism. Official historiography also recognizes him as the most relevant Latin American head of state during the 20th century and up to the present day.
However, historiography tends to render Perón invisible, just as paradoxically the same governments of the same movement he created have done. Perón was a much more relevant democratic leader if we consider that Allende only governed for three years. Perón is an uncomfortable character for the historical complex of the Americas, since this democratic leader with a military profession was not a dictator, nor was he a neo - liberal or socialist . The problems with Perón are in recognizing that democracy can also be a dictatorship if it becomes populist, and that in terms of alignment, Perón was not aligned with any geopolitical power since his movement and doctrine were Third Position.
---------------------------------------------------------------
In Argentina, democracy from 1983 to the present , beyond party speeches, has been the continuation of the economic measures that were imposed in the country after the coup of March '76, and perhaps a little earlier in 1975.
Politics has been abandoning the old confrontations of the past, especially the so-called "anti-Peronism, " since in the transversality and fluidity, Peronists and radicals march separately in both tendencies of the two-party system, moving away from strict party adherence*. The right is neoliberal, and the left is progressive. Each government is aligned with Republicans or Democrats in the White House.
(*Like a chameleon changes its color to blend in, a political chameleon adjusts their views to fit the prevailing sentiment of a group or situation.)
Since the return to democracy in 1983, Argentina has had ten (10) presidents. During the same period, it has entered into approximately seventeen (17) IMF loan arrangements or programs*, as part of a long history of engagement with the fund
*Since joining the institution in 1956, Argentina has agreed to a total of 23 loan programs or arrangements with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The communists and left-wing micro-parties are still a minority, but they have managed to occupy positions by allying themselves with progressivism. After the fall of the USSR, the local communist party has embraced the Malvinas cause of national sovereignty. By advocating for Argentina's claim over the Malvinas, the Communist Party signals a strong commitment to national sovereignty. This stance resonates with nationalist sentiment among many Argentine citizens.
